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TO 

MY  FATHER  AND  MOTHER 

THIS  VOLUME  IS 


Affectionately  HOebicatefc 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN 


SOCIALISM  IN  MODERN  TIMES 


BY 


RICHARD  T.  ELY,  Ph.D. 


ASSOCIATE  PROFESSOR  OF  POLITICAL  ECtfSOMY  IN  THE  JOHNS  HOPKINS 
UNIVERSITY,  BALTIMORE  ;  AND  LECTURER  ON  POLITICAL 
ECONOMY  IN  CORNELL  UNIVERSITY,  ITHACA,  N.  Y. 


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C>1»  ►  4>  J  J/*'.  JO*. 

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5  *>  >  J  O  3  J  J  J  J 


NEW  YORK 


HARPER  &  BROTHERS,  FRANKLIN  SQUARE 

•  I*'  i 

1883 


,£5 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1883,  by 
HARPER  &  BROTHERS, 

In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 


All  rights  reserved . 


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CONTENTS 


Chapter  Page 

I.  Tiie  French  Revolution  and  the  Laboring 

Classes .  1 

II.  Babceuf .  29 

III.  Cabet .  39 

~4V.  Saint-Simon  . .  53 

Y.  Fourier .  81 

VI.  Louis  Blanc .  108 

VII.  Proudhon .  124 

VIII.  Socialism  in  France  since  Proudhon .  143 

IX.  Rodbertus . . .  156 

X.  Karl  Marx .  170 

XI.  The  International  Workingmen’s  Association.  183 

XII.  Ferdinand  Lassalle .  189 

XIII.  TnE  Ideal  of  Social  Democracy .  204 

XIV.  Social  Democracy  since  the  Death  of  Lassalle  211 

XV.  Socialism  of  the  Chair .  235 

XVI.  Christian  Socialism .  245 

INDEX .  263 


* 


,  4  »,  •  .  ■ 


.  ■  • » 


|  I’ 


PREFATORY  NOTE. 


Tiie  publication  of  this  volume  is  due  to  the 
friendly  counsel  of  the  Hon.  Andrew  D.  White, 
president  of  Cornell  University ;  a  gentleman  tire¬ 
less  in  his  efforts  to  encourage  young  men,  and  alive 
to  every  .opportunity  to  speak  fitting  words  of  hope 
and  cheer.  Like  many  of  the  younger  scholars  of 
our  country,  I  am  indebted  to  him  more  than  I  can 
say. 

The  present  work  is  based  on  lectures  delivered 
in  Baltimore  before  the  students  of  the  Johns  Hop¬ 
kins  University,  and  in  Ithaca  before  the  students 
of  Cornell  University.  Although  these  lectures  have 
been  thoroughly  revised  and,  in  fact,  rewritten,  traces 
of  this  origin  will  be  found  in  a  certain  freedom  of 
style  and  matter,  which  will,  I  trust,  render  the  book 
neither  less  interesting  nor  less  instructive. 

My  aim  is  to  give  a  perfectly  fair,  impartial  pres¬ 
entation  of  modern  communism  and  socialism  in 
their  two  strongholds,  France  and  Germany.  I  be¬ 
lieve  that,  in  so  doing,  I  am  rendering  a  service  to 
the  friends  of  law  and  order. 

Biciiard  T.  Ely. 

Joiins  IIopkins  University,  Baltimore,  August  3,  1883. 


' 


- 

. 


.. 

' 

•  i  *  "!  ■  «  a  .'4>[Vrt  "r.  fl 


■ 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM 

IN 

MODERN  TIMES. 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION  AND  THE  LABORING  CLASSES. 

Communism  and  Socialism  represent  different  and 
yet  allied  movements  of  theory  and  practice.  They 
aim  to  improve  the  common  lot  of  humanity,  in  par¬ 
ticular  that  of  the  lower  classes,  in  a  radical  manner 
and  by  the  application  of  thorough -going  measures. 
Now,  when  we  utter  the  word  improvement  we  indi¬ 
cate  a  desire  to  change,  and  consequently  dissatisfac¬ 
tion  with  the  state  which  is  to  be  changed.  This 
brings  us  at  once  to  the  common  standing-ground  of 
politico-economic  reformers.  They  are  one  and  all  dis¬ 
satisfied  with  the  present  condition  of  society.  We  have, 
therefore,  in  the  first  “place,  to  examine  the  accusations 
which  are  brought  against  the  social  regime  of  our  time. 

Complaints  against  the  methods  of  producing  and 
distributing  wealth  are  not  new  ;  complaints  of  such 
a  character  as  we  hear  at  present,  however,  have  orig¬ 
inated  since  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century. 
Before  the  French  Revolution,  dissatisfaction  with 
the  then  existing  order  of  things  had  been  expressed 

1 


2 


FKENCII  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


often  enough,  and  had  even  led  to  rebellion  ;  but  the 
economic  life  of  Christendom  was  then  different  from 
what  it  is  now,  and  consequently  the  discontent  and 
the  proposed  measures  of  reform  were  not  of  the  same 
nature.  While  the  study  of  the  condition  of  the  labor¬ 
ing  classes  in  ancient  times  and  the  Middle  Ages  is 
highly  profitable,  it  is  not  necessary  to  go  farther  back 
than  the  latter  part  of  the  eighteenth  century  to  ob¬ 
tain  a  tolerably  accurate  notion  of  existing  socialism 
and  communism. 

A  brief  examination  of  the  peculiarities  of  modern 
socialistic  schemes  wdll  make  this  plain.  One  of  these 
is  to  be  found  in  the  developed  self-consciousness  and 
awakened  desires  of  the  poor,  taking  their  origin  in 
democratic  institutions  and  increased  enlightenment. 
Another  is  the  greater  prominence  given  to  capital  in 
the  present  system  of  production.  Disputes  concern¬ 
ing  capital-profit  and  wages  now  lead  to  communistic 
and  socialistic  schemes.  “  Such  war-cries,”  to  use  the 
words  of  Schaffle’s  “  Socialism  as  Presented  by  Kauf- 
mann,”  “  as  we  find  Lassalle  raising  against  capital, 
would  not  have  been  even  understood  among  the 
ancients  and  the  oppressed  classes  of  the  Middle  Ages. 
The  promises  held  out  by  agitators  to  the  masses  now 
’  are  :  equal  rights  for  all,  no  monopolies,  liberty  and 
equality  for  the  people.  Liberalism  itself  has  paved 
the  way  to  communism.  The  right  of  coalition  among 
laborers  for  their  own  interests,  liberty  of  the  press, 
the  extension  of  the  suffrage,  together  with  the  facility 
of  rapid  and  cheap  inter-communication  by  post  and 
telegraph,  afford  laborers  the  means  for  united  action 
where  their  interests  are  at  stake.  The  working-man 
of  our  day  has  a  consciousness  of  his  own  power  quite 
unparalleled  by  any  of  his  compeers  in  former  ages.” 


TIIE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION.  •  3 

A  third  peculiarity  of  modern  forms  of  communism 
and  socialism  is  their  cosmopolitan  and  practical  char¬ 
acter.  All  the  plans  of  reformers,  described  in  this 
work,  were  meant  to  be  executed  and  to  inaugurate  a 
new  era  in  the  development  of  humanity.  Attempts 
have  been  made,  or  are  being  made,  to  realize  every  one 
of  them.  Older  socialistic  schemes  are  of  two  kinds. 
Those  of  the  first  class  were  applied  only  to  sects  or 
small  associations.  Such  were  the  communities  of 
Buddhist  and  Christian  monks  and  the  villages  of  the 
Essenes  in  Judea.  Those  of  the  second  class  were 
dreamy  and  speculative.  No  attempt  was  made  by 
their  authors  or  any  group  of  immediate  disciples  to 
regenerate  the  world  by  substituting  them  for  exist¬ 
ing  social  and  economic  organizations.  Of  this  char¬ 
acter  were  the  “  Republic  ”  of  Plato  and  the  “  Utopia  ” 
of  Sir  Thomas  More.  Even  the  speculations  of  French 
writers  immediately  preceding  the  Revolution,  like 
Mably,  Morelly,  Brissot  de  Warville,  and  Jean  Jacques 
Rousseau,  were  of  this  kind.  De  Warville,  for  exam¬ 
ple,  tickled  the  palates  of  those  craving  literary  and 
philosophical  sensation  by  declaring  private  property 
theft,  and  then  defended  private  property  in  the  Na¬ 
tional  Convention  of  1792  ;*  while  Rousseau,  only  a 
few  months  after  lamenting  that  the  first  man  who 
laid  claim  to  property  had  not  been  instantly  de¬ 
nounced  as  the  arch  foe  of  the  human  race,  speaks  re¬ 
spectfully  in  his  “  Political  Economy  ”  of  property  as 
the  basis  of  the  social  compact,  whose  first  condition  was 
that  every  one  should  be  protected  in  its  enjoyment,  f 


*  Vide  “  Histoire  du  Communisme,”  par  Alfred  Sudre  (5th  ed.,  Paris, 
1856),  cli.  xiv.  sec.  iv.  pp.  23.2-250. 
f  Vide  “  Rousseau,”  by  John  Morley  (Lond.  1873),  vol.  i.  p.  192. 


4 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


Morley  says  of  him  that  he  “never  thought  of  the 
subversion  of  society  or  its  reorganization  on  a  com¬ 
munistic  basis,”  and  that  would  hold  generally  of 
French  socialistic  thinkers  before  1789.  Modern  so¬ 
cialists  and  communists,  on  the  other  hand,  not  only 
think  of  a  reorganization  of  society,  but  work  with 
might  and  main  to  accomplish  it.  This  at  once  draws 
a  broad  line  between  them.  This  difference  finds  ex¬ 
pression  in  new  designations.  A  man  without  prop¬ 
erty  is  no  longer  what  he  was  previous  to  the  French 
Revolution  —  viz.,  a  poor  man  ;  he  is  a  proletarian, 
while  the  class  to  which  he  belongs  are  not  called  col¬ 
lectively  the  poor,  but  the  proletariat. 

Previous  to  the  French  Revolution  an  attempt  had 
been  made  to  embrace  all  the  inhabitants  of  a  state 
in  some  shape  in  a  fixed  and  definite  social  organism. 
There  were  the  ruling  classes,  consisting  of  the  nobili¬ 
ty  and  the  clergy,  and  the  commons.  The  latter  were, 
to  be  sure,  hewers  of  wood  and  carriers  of  water  for 
the  two  higher  estates,  but  they  were  bound  to  them 
in  a  certain  manner.  The  feudal  lord  usually  felt  some 
sort  of  concern  for  the  welfare  of  his  vassals,  looked 
after  their  interests,  when  these  interests  were  attacked 
by  others,  and  in  a  general  way  afforded  them  protec¬ 
tion  to  be  found  only  in  his  wealth  and  power.  The 
greatest  of  the  feudal  lords,  the  sovereign,  was  the 
mighty  father  of  all,  and  his  government  was  often  a 
shield  to  the  weak  and  helpless.  The  third  estate,  the 
bourgeoisie — those  who  pursued  trades  and  commerce 
— were  connected  together,  and  with  the  rest  of  so¬ 
ciety,  by  guilds  and  corporations.  The  arrangements 
of  these  institutions  brought  into  close  personal  con¬ 
tact  master  and  laborers.  Manufactures  were  con¬ 
ducted  in  small  shops,  where  the  employer  worked 


THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION. 


5 


side  by  side  with  two  or  three  journeymen  and  ap¬ 
prentices,  the  latter  living  in  the  master’s  house.  Ac¬ 
cording  to  the  rules  of  the  guilds  the  apprentice  be¬ 
came  a  journeyman  in  a  few  years,  and  the  journeyman 
rose  in  time  to  the  rank  of  master.  Thus  there 
were  common  experiences  and  common  feelings  to 
unite  employers  and  employed.  They  were  not  dis¬ 
tinct  and  separate  classes,  with  interests  sharply  an¬ 
tagonistic  to  one  another. 

It  is  so  unusual  to  hear  one  speak  a  good  word  for 
the  institutions  of  the  Middle  Ages,  that  I  fear  the 
reader  will  be  tempted  to  exclaim,  “  Can  any  good 
thing  come  out  of  Nazareth  ?”  But  that  it  may  not 
be  necessary  to  take  my  ipse  dixit  for  believing  that 
there  was  a  favorable  side  to  feudalism,  I  will  quote 
the  testimony  of  Thorold  Rogers,  Professor  of  Political 
Economy  in  the  University  of  Oxford,  and  one  of  the 
most  distinguished  economists  of  our  time.  “  It  is  in 
vain  to  rejoice  over  the  aggregate  of  our  prosperity,” 
says  Professor  Rogers,  in  his  “  History  of  Agriculture 
and  Prices,”*  “and  to  forget  that  great  part  of  the 
nation  has  no  share  in  its  benefits.  It  may  be  that  the 
wisdom  of  our  forefathers  was  accidental;  it  is  certain 
that  society  was  divided  by  less  sharp  lines,  and  was 
held  together  by  common  ties  in  a  far  closer  manner, 
in  the  times  which  it  has  been  my  fortune  to  study 
[the  Middle  Ages],  than  it  is  now.  The  feudal  sys¬ 
tem  of  the  Middle  Ages  was  one  of  mutual  interests  ; 
its  theory  of  property  involved  far  more  exacting 
duties  than  modern  rights  ever  acknowledge,  or  re¬ 
member,  or  perhaps  know.” 

The  war  of  La  Vendee,  in  the  French  Revolution, 


*  Vol.  i.  pp.  viii.  ix. 


6 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


gives  striking  corroboration  of  this  view  of  feudalism. 
In  the  western  part  of  France,  particularly  in  Anjou, 
feudal  institutions  still  retained  their  better  character¬ 
istics,  while  in  other  provinces  large  landed  proprie¬ 
tors  intrusted  their  estates  to  agents,  that  they  might 
lead  idle  and  dissipated  lives  in  Paris.  The  landlords 
of  La  Vendee  and  the  surrounding  country  lived  on 
their  manors,  and  took  a  paternal  interest  in  the  well¬ 
being  of  their  peasants  and  dependents.  The  rela¬ 
tions  of  Church  and  people  were  those  of  protection 
and  affection.  The  result  was  the  obstinate  adherence 
of  this  part  of  France  to  the  old  order  of  things,  and 
the  stubborn  resistance  of  the  peasants  of  Anjou  and 
Poitou  to  the  revolution.* 

Yes,  it  is  true  ;  much  more  can  be  said  in  favor  of 
the  social  organization  of  the  Middle  Ages  than  is 
commonly  supposed.  Nor  were  those  times  so  back¬ 
ward  as  many  think.  Cities  like  Nuremberg,  in  Ger¬ 
many,  show  remains  of  the  civilization  of  the  Middle 
Ages  which  convince  one  that  a  considerable  grandeur 
had  then  been  attained,  and  that  the  people  of  those 
times  were  by  no  means  in  every  respect  inferior  to 
us.  But  the  framework  of  this  past  civilization,  not 
admitting  of  expansion,  broke  to  pieces.  It  was  not 
large  enough  for  the  modern  growth  of  population 
and  wealth.  Its  institutions  were  abused  by  those  in 
power,  and  in  a  time  of  general  corruption  and  oppres¬ 
sion  they  fell  with  a  terrible  crash.  The  French  Revo¬ 
lution  swept  them  away  forever.  While  this  revolu¬ 
tion  formed  one  of  the  grandest  epochs  in  history,  it 


*  Vide  Yon  Sybel,  “Geschichte  der  Revolutionszeit,”  Bd.  i.  Buch  i. 
Capitel  1,  and  Bd.  ii.  Buch  vii.  Capitol  3.  In  regard  to  absenteeism, 
consult,  especially,  Taine’s  “  Ancient  Regime,”  bk.  i.  ch.  iii.  pt.  iii. 


TIIE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION. 


1 


left  society  in  a  singularly  disorganized  state.  No  one 
appeared  to  be  connected  with  his  fellow-man.  Each 
one  stood  alone  by  himself.  The  individualistic  and 
atomistic  condition  of  modern  society  had  begun.  In 
the  reaction  which  followed  upon  restraint  this  was 
thought  to  be  an  unmixed  good.  Each  one  was  left 
free  to  pursue  his  own  interests  in  his  own  way. 
Commerce  and  industries  took  a  wonderful  start,  and 
by  the  aid  of  inventions  and  discoveries  expanded  in 
such  a  rapid  and  all-embracing  manner  as  to  astound 
the  world.  It  is  probable  that  as  we,  after  more  than 
two  thousand  years,  look  back  upon  the  time  of  Peri¬ 
cles  with  wonder  and  astonishment  as  an  epoch  great 
in  art  and  literature,  posterity  two  thousand  years 
hence  will  regard  our  era  as  forming  an  admirable 
and  unparalleled  epoch  in  the  history  of  industrial  in¬ 
vention.  During  this  time  of  growth  and  increasing 
wealth  it  was  at  first  generally  thought  that  every¬ 
thing  was  moving  along  finely.  The  third  estate  had 
been  emancipated.  Its  members  had  no  longer  to  bear 
alone  the  burdens  of  government.  It  betook  itself  to 
trade  and  manufactures,  grew  wealthy,  and  became 
the  bourgeoisie  of  modern  political  economy.  But 
speedily  a  fourth  estate  was  discovered,  whose  mem¬ 
bers  consisted  of  dependents  —  workers  for  daily 
wages.  What  had  been  done  for  them  ?  They  had 
also  nominal  freedom,  but  did  they  enjoy  actual  free¬ 
dom  ?  They  were  in  possession  of  political  equality, 
but  had  they  advanced  one  single  step  in  the  direction 
of  social  and  economic  equality  ?  There  were  not 
wanting  those  who  went  even  further  than  to  answer 
both  of  these  questions  in  the  negative.  They  pointed 
to  the  fact  that  the  weak  and  needy  had,  as  never  be¬ 
fore,  lost  all  connection  with  the  strong  and  powerful. 


8 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


Hundreds  of  laborers  crowded  in  a  single  shop  lost  all 
personal  feeling  with  their  one  employer.  Formerly 
the  distance  between  journeyman  and  master  was  slight, 
and  the  passage  from  the  one  condition  to  the  other 
could  invariably  be  effected  by  diligence  and  ability. 
This  change  of  condition  now  became  absolutely  im¬ 
possible  for  the  greater  number.  The  maj  ority  of  those 
engaged  in  manufactures  must,  in  the  nature  of  things, 
remain  common  laborers.  A  few,  unusually  gifted  or 
favored,  might  hope  to  rise,  but  even  for  them  it  be¬ 
came  ever  more  difficult  to  ascend  the  social  ladder. 
On  the  one  hand,  the  division  of  labor  was  carried  so 
far  that  the  labor  performed  by  each  was  exceedingly 
simple.  Instead  of  taxing  the  ingenuity,  and  thereby 
conducing  to  mental  development,  the  endless  repeti¬ 
tion  and  sameness  of  the  labor  tended  to  make  one 
stupid.  On  the  other  hand,  inventions  rendered  it 
necessary  not  only  to  employ  an  ever-increasing  num¬ 
ber  of  machines,  but  to  make  use  of  those  which  were 
constantly  becoming  more  expensive.*  The  gulf  be¬ 
tween  employer  and  employed  widened  unceasingly. 
The  employer,  losing  personal  feeling  with  his  labor¬ 
ers,  too  often  forgot  that  they  were  men  with  natures 
like  his  own.  Frequently,  it  must  be  acknowledged, 
he  looked  upon  them  as  mere  beasts  of  burden,  and  re¬ 
garded  their  labor  in  the  same  light  as  any  other  com¬ 
modity  which  was  sold  in  the  market-place.  They 
were  hired  for  the  cheapest  price,  worked  to  the  ut¬ 
most  limit  of  endurance,  and,  when  used-up,  thrown 
aside  like  any  other  old  and  worthless  machine.  The 
capitalist  grew  richer,  and  among  the  higher  classes 


*  Cf.  De  Laveleye’s  “La  Democratic  et  l’Economie  Politique” 
(Bruxelles,  1878),  pp.  8,  9. 


THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION. 


9 


of  society  luxury  and  extravagance  increased.  The 
laborer,  noticing  all  this,  asked  himself  if  his  lot  hold 
in  any  respect  improved.  He  was  inclined  to  deny 
that  it  had.  His  daily  bread  was  not  earned  with  less 
toil,  nor  was  he  surer  of  an  opportunity  to  work.  His 
existence  was  as  uncertain  and  as  full  of  anxiety  as 
ever.  Being  brought  together  in  large  shops  with 
those  in  like  condition,  he  talked  over  his  wrongs  and 
sufferings  with  them.  A  class-feeling  was  developed. 
The  heartlessness  and  assumed  superiority  of  those 
who  had  become  suddenly,  and  often  by  mere  chance, 
wealthy  were  looked  upon  with  frowns  and  gloomy 
countenances  foreboding  no  good.  The  harsh  separa¬ 
tion  in  material  goods  between  these  parvenus  and 
the  lower  classes  was  accompanied  by  no  mitigating 
circumstances.  In  the  case  of  the  old  and  wealthy 
families  of  a  more  ancient  era  the  superiority  in  wealth 
appeared  more  just,  on  account  of  lapse  of  time  and  a 
certain  superiority  in  intellect  and  manners.  They 
were,  to  a  considerable  extent,  superior  beings  in  oth¬ 
er  respects  than  mere  externals.  The  new  rich  looked 
down  upon  and  despised  the  orders  from  which  they 
had  so  recently  escaped,  and  were,  in  turn,  hated  by 
those  beneath  them.  A  division  of  society  into  caste¬ 
like  classes  was  taking  place.  The  rich  were  becom¬ 
ing  richer  ;  it  was  thought  the  poor  were  becoming 
poorer.  Free  competition  imposed  no  restraints  upon 
the  powerful.  They  were  at  liberty  to  exploit  the 
poor  to  their  heart’s  content.  The  strength  on  the 
one  side  was  so  great,  and  the  capability  of  resistance 
on  the  other  so  insignificant,  that  there  could  exist  no 
real  freedom  of  contract.  As  Sismondi  said,  the  rich 
man  labored  to  increase  his  capital,  the  poor  man  to 
satisfy  the  cravings  of  his  stomach.  The  one  can 


10 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


wait,  the  demands  of  the  other  are  imperative.  To 
the  laborers  their  state  appeared  like  “  a  hell  without 
escape  and  without  end  ”  (Mehring).  They  were  pre¬ 
pared  to  listen  to  those  who  should  preach  them  a 
gospel  of  hope,  even  if  it  involved  violent  change. 
Revolution  might  help  them  ;  it  could  not  render 
their  lot  more  hopeless.  They  were  ready  to  examine 
more  critically  the  evils  of  society,  when  bidden  to 
do  so  by  their  leaders.  Verily,  they  did  not  need  to 
search  long  to  discover  many  sore  spots  on  the  social 
body.  The  luxurious  immorality  of  the  parvenus  in 
European  capitals  made  no  attempt  to  conceal  itself. 
When  the  laborers  were  told  that  their  wives  and 
daughters  were  considered  rightful  booty  by  the 
wealthy,  they  remembered  women  of  their  class  who 
had  fallen  a  prey  to  the  fascination  of  wealth  and  the 
elegance  of  the  higher  classes,  and  wTere  angry.  The 
peace  of  many  of  them  had  been  ruthlessly  destroyed 
by  some  rich  voluptuary.  Perhaps  a  poor  father,  think¬ 
ing  of  a  fair  daughter,  whose  employer  in  shop  or  fac¬ 
tory  had  taken  advantage  of  his  position  and  her  need 
to  seduce  her,  gnashed  his  teeth  in  rage,  and  was  ready 
to  swear  eternal  vengeance  against  the  bourgeoisie .* 


*  To  many  a  thoughtless  man,  who  has  misused  his  wealth  and  so¬ 
cial  position  to  drag  down  women  of  the  poorer  classes,  it  would 
doubtless  seem  like  a  new  revelation  to  have  the  truth  brought  home 
to  him  that  the  fathers,  mothers,  and  brothers  of  his  victims  had 
precisely  such  feelings  as  his  own  father  and  mother,  or  himself, 
towards  his  sisters.  But  the  socialistic  agitation  in  Germany  has 
brought  out  clearly  the  fact  that  this  is  true.  Poor  men  hate  the 
wealthy  on  account  of  their  sins.  Nearly  all  of  the  thousands  and 
tens  of  thousands  of  fallen  women  in  cities  like  New  York  and  Ber¬ 
lin,  it  is  said,  come  from  the  poorer  classes.  It  is  terrible  to  think 
of  the  anguish  they  have  brought  to  parents  whose  only  crime  has 
often  been  poverty.  If  the  wealthy  use  their  superior  advantages  to 


TIIE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION. 


11 


But  these  things  were  noticed  by  the  more  thought¬ 
ful  among  the  higher  classes.  They  were  bitterly 
disappointed.  The  doctrines  of  political  and  economic 
liberalism  had  been  expected  to  usher  in  the  millen¬ 
nium,  and  instead  of  that  they  beheld  the  same 
wretched,  unhappy,  sinful  world,  which  they  thought 
they  had  left.  If  there  had  been  progress  in  the  gen¬ 
eral  condition  of  humanity,  it  was  so  slight  that  it 
was  a  matter  of  dispute.  Many,  finding  things  in  such 
a  sad  condition,  one  so  different  from  what  they  had 
expected,  affirmed  boldly  that  we  had  been  going  from 
bad  to  worse. 

In  speaking  of  Lamennais,  the  distinguished  French 
Christian  socialist,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Kaufmann,  an  Eng¬ 
lish  clergyman,  describes  the  grief  that  eminent  man 
experienced,  as  he  observed  the  economic  develop¬ 
ment  of  society  after  the  great  French  Revolution:* 

oppress  and  afflict  the  poor,  terrible  retribution  will  some  day  be  ex¬ 
acted  of  them  as  a  class,  and  the  innocent  will  suffer  with  the  guilty. 
The  French  Revolution  should  forever  be  a  terrible  warning  to  those 
to  whom  much  has  been  committed. 

Modern  novelists  have  devoted  themselves  assiduously  to  the  work 
of  reform.  Every  oppressed  class  has  found  some  one  to  sympathize 
with  it  and  describe  its  wrongs.  Married  women,  misused  by  their 
husbands ;  school  children,  maltreated  by  masters ;  orphans,  wronged 
by  tedious  processes  of  law ;  the  negro  slave  in  our  South — all  have 
been  made  interesting,  and  excited  our  pity.  The  fourth  estate,  with 
which  Dickens  concerned  himself  more  or  less,  has  also  found  its 
novelist,  whose  skill  reveals  to  us  the  laborer’s  views  and  feelings,  so 
that  we  laugh  when  he  laughs  and  weep  when  he  weeps.  I  refer  to 
Max  Kretzer,  whose  latest  and  best  work  is  “Die  Betrogenen”  (Ber¬ 
lin,  1882).  For  an  excellent  review  of  his  writings,  vide  the  Wochen- 
blatt  der  Frankfurter  Zeitung,  20  Aug.,  1882. 

For  a  further  illustration  of  the  views  of  social  democrats  concern¬ 
ing  the  crimes  of  the  wealthy,  vide  a  story  in  the  newspaper  Die  Fackel 
(Chicago,  20  Mai,  1883)  entitled  “Die  Geschiclite  einer  Arbeiterin.” 

*  In  Contemporary  Review,  April,  1882. 


12 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


“  It  was  Lamennais’  fate  to  see  three  revolutionary- 
waves  pass  over  his  country,  and  to  watch  with  sor¬ 
row  and  bitterness  of  heart  the  disappointments  to 
which  they  gave  rise.  He  had  seen  the  sore  distress 
of  the  people  whose  condition  the  political  changes  of 
the  first  revolution  left  to  all  intents  and  purposes 
unimproved.  It  had,  in  fact,  given  rise  to  new  social 
grievances.  In  destroying  patriarchal  relationships 
and  feudal  bonds  of  social  union,  it  had  handed  over 
the  masses  to  the  tender  mercies  of  free  contract  and 
competition.  The  introduction  of  machinery,  with  the 
rise  of  modern  industry,  had  a  pauperizing  effect,  and 
intensified  popular  discontent.  Hence  the  various 
socialistic  and  communistic  schemes  for  the  liberation 
of  the  working-classes  from  the  ‘  tyranny  of  capital,’ 
and  the  attempts  to  promote  the  free  association  of 
labor  by  means  of  voluntary  co-operation  following 
in  the  wake  of  revolution. 

“  Every  section  of  society  was  represented  in  this  re¬ 
volt  against  the  excessive  individualism  of  the  laissez- 
faire  system  as  the  result  of  the  new  social  contract. 
Among  the  saviours  of  society  who  rose  rapidly  one 
after  another — Saint-Simon,  on  the  part  of  aristocratic 
cretins  impoverished  by  the  revolution;  Fourier,  as 
the  spokesman  of  the  aggrieved  lower  middle-class, 
in  danger  of  being  crushed  by  the  superior  force  of 
the  plutocracy ;  Babceuf,  representing  the  communis¬ 
tic  materialism  of  the  ‘  common  people  ’ — each  in  their 
own  wav  had  their  theories  of  social  reconstruction  ; 
.  .  .  whilst  a  small  band  of  generously  minded  church¬ 
men,  with  Lamennais  at  their  head,  made  it  their  ob¬ 
ject  to  save  society  by  means  of  spiritual  regeneration.” 

A  reaction  against  liberalism  set  in.  This  was  of 
two  kinds.  A  romantic  party,  represented  by  Adam 


THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION. 


13 


Muller,  and  a  conservative  party,  represented  by  the 
Kreuzzeitung ,  advocated  a  return  to  the  social  organi¬ 
zation  of  the  Middle  Ages.  They  dreamed  of  a  golden 
age  in  the  past,  in  which  humble  simplicity  and  trust¬ 
ful  dependence  on  the  part  of  the  laborer  were  met 
by  generous  benevolence  and  protecting  care  on  the 
part  of  the  master.  They  thought  it  possible  to  re¬ 
store  a  time  in  which  the  Shepherd  of  Salisbury  Plain, 
happy  and  contented  because  a  kind  Providence  had 
granted  him  salt  for  his  potatoes,  filled  an  ideal  posi¬ 
tion. 

The  communistic  and  socialistic  parties,  on  the  other 
hand,  urged  the  necessity  of  an  advance  to  a  totally 
new  form  of  society.  Very  unlike  in  many  respects, 
in  others  these  parties  resemble  and  sympathize  with 
each  other.  The  accusations  which  they  bring  against 
our  present  condition  of  society  are  so  similar  that 
one  often  does  not  know  whether  one  is  reading  the 
production  of  a  social  democrat  or  of  an  ultra-conser¬ 
vative. 

I  will  quote  the  indictment  of  the  great  socialist, 
Karl  Marx,  against  liberalism,  which,  it  will  be  seen, 
might  just  as  well  have  been  written  by  a  conserva¬ 
tive.  In  fact,  if  I  had  been  shown  the  passage  and 
told  that  it  appeared  in  the  Kreuzzeitung ,  I  should 
not  have  been  in  the  least  surprised.  “  Although  the 
liberals,”  says  Marx,  “  have  not  carried  out  their  prin¬ 
ciples  in  any  land  as  yet  completely,  still,  the  attempts 
which  have  been  made  are  sufficient  to  prove  the  use¬ 
lessness  of  their  efforts.  They  endeavored  to  free 
labor,  but  only  succeeded  in  subjecting  it  more  com¬ 
pletely  under  the  yoke  of  capitalism ;  they  aimed  at 
setting  at  liberty  all  labor  powers,  and  only  riveted 
the  chains  of  misery  which  held  them  bound  ;  they 


14 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


wanted  to  release  the  bondman  from  the  clod,  and  de¬ 
prived  him  of  the  soil  on  which  he  stood  by  buying 
up  the  land  ;  they  yearned  for  a  happy  condition  of 
society,  and  only  created  superfluity  on  one  hand  and 
dire  want  on  the  other  ;  they  desired  to  secure  for 
merit  its  own  honorable  reward,  and  only  made  it  the 
slave  of  wealth  ;  they  wanted  to  abolish  all  monopo¬ 
lies,  and  placed  in  their  stead  the  monster  monopoly, 
capital ;  they  wanted  to  do  away  with  all  wars  be¬ 
tween  nation  and  nation,  and  kindled  the  flames  of 
civil  war ;  they  wanted  to  get  rid  of  the  state,  and 
yet  have  multiplied  its  burdens  ;  they  wanted  to  make 
education  the*  common  property  of  all,  and  made  it 
the  privilege  of  the  rich ;  they  aimed  at  the  greatest 
moral  improvement  of  society,  and  only  left  it  in  a 
state  of  rotten  immorality  ;  they  wanted,  to  say  all  in 
a  word,  unbounded  liberty,  and  have  produced  the 
meanest  servitude  ;  they  wanted  the  reverse  of  all 
that  which  they  actually  obtained,  and  have  thus  given 
a  proof  that  liberalism  in  all  its  ramifications  is  noth¬ 
ing  but  a  perfect  Utopia.”* 

Before  considering  separately  the  different  varieties 
of  communism  and  socialism  it  is  necessary  to  say  a 
few  words  about  the  proper  method  of  treating  the 
subject.  The  movements  indicated  by  the  words  com¬ 
munism  and  socialism  are  designed  to  aid  especially 
the  lower  classes.  If  mankind  generally  were  as  hap¬ 
pily  situated  as  are  what  we  call  the  middle  and  higher 
classes,  these  systems  would  never  have  been  heard 
of.  The  members  of  the  upper  classes  have  nothing 


*  Quoted  by  Mrs.  Fawcett  in  her  article  on  “  Communism  ”  in  the 
“  Encyclopaedia  Britannica.”  Cf.  De  Laveleye’s  article  on  the  “  Prog¬ 
ress  of  Socialism”  ( Contemporary  Review,  April,  1883,  pp.  567,  568). 


THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION. 


15 


to  hope  from  communism  or  socialism,  but  have  much 
which  they  might  possibly  lose  —  I  say  possibly,  bo^ 
cause  I  wish  to  express  it  in  the  most  favorable  man¬ 
ner.  If  wealthy  and  well-to-do  writers  and  politicians 
oppose  social  reform  they  are  consequently  often  sus¬ 
pected  of  advocating  their  own  selfish  interests  ex¬ 
clusively.  They  are  not  likely,  therefore,  to  have 
much  success  in  converting  socialists  and  communists, 
unless  they  manifest  in  word  and  deed  their  sincere 
concern  for  the  welfare  of  their  poorer  brethren.  I 
think,  therefore,  that  we  ought  to  strive  first  of  all  to 
understand  thoroughly  the  various  systems  of  social 
reformers,  and  then  to  describe  them  in  such  manner 
that  their  supporters  themselves  could  not  find  fault 
with  our  representation.  A  kindly,  well  -  disposed 
criticism  might  follow,  with  hope  of  doing  some  good. 
To  understand  people,  however,  we  must  have  some 
sort  of  sympathy  (avv-naSoQ — Mitleideri)  with  them. 
We  shall  not  be  likely  to  comprehend  a  social  system, 
if  we  approach  it  with  coldness  or,  still  worse,  with 
hatred.  The  severe  Protestant  is  not  likely  to  appre¬ 
ciate  a  Madonna  of  Raphael,  unless  he  is  able  for  a 
time  to  forget  his  Protestantism  and  enter  into  the 
feelings  of  the  devout  Roman  Catholic.  As  Carlyle 
so  finely  says,  “  the  heart  lying  dead,  the  eye  can¬ 
not  see.”  So,  to  obtain  an  adequate  idea  of  socialism 
and  of  the  justice  of  its  claims,  we  must  imagine  our¬ 
selves  for  the  time  being  laborers,  wdth  all  their  trials 
and  sufferings.  We  must  endeavor  to  think  ourselves 
into  (hineindenkeri)  their  condition.  Ror  let  us  sup¬ 
pose  that  there  is  anything  to  be  feared  from  a  dis¬ 
closure  of  the  full  truth.  It  is  only  from  the  opposite 
course  that  danger  is  to  be  apprehended.  As  a  dis¬ 
tinguished  American  political  economist  has  well  said: 


16 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


“  The  time  lias  passed  for  dealing  with  the  masses  as 
children  who  are  to  be  treated  to  truth  in  quantities 
and  on  occasions  suited  to  their  welfare  or  the  inter¬ 
ests  of  society.  The  political  economist  only  aban¬ 
dons  his  ground  of  vantage  and  forfeits  the  confidence 
of  the  community  when  he  accepts  any  responsibility 
for  the  use  that  may  be  made  of  the  truth  he  dis¬ 
covers  and  discloses.”  * 

Bearing  this  thought  in  mind,  even  a  hasty  exami¬ 
nation  of  the  vast  majority  of  books  written  on  social¬ 
ism  and  communism  shows  how  utterly  worthless 
they  are.  Their  authors  start  out  with  such  intense 
hatred  of  all  socialistic  systems,  that  it  is  simply  im¬ 
possible  for  them  to  understand  these  systems.  But 
the  worst  of  it  is,  that  they  couple  their  misunder¬ 
standing  with  such  hard  words  and  severe  epithets  as 
to  excite  bad  blood  and  drive  the  various  classes  of 
society  farther  apart  than  ever.  The  wealthier  classes 
lose  their  ardor  for  reform,  and  the  poorer  people  be¬ 
come  enraged.  As  I  write,  I  take  up  the  first  book 
on  Communism  which  lies  at  my  hand,  and,  opening  it, 
find  communists  spoken  of  as  “  a  hideous  fraternity 
of  conspirators.”  I  turn  over  a  few  pages  and  read 
this  :  “  To-day  there  is  not  in  our  language,  nor  in 
any  language,  a  more  hateful  word  than  communism.” 
Of  a  sentence  uttered  by  a  socialist,  this  writer  says 
“  more  pestilent  words  were  never  spoken.”  On  the 
next  page  communism  is  spoken  of  as  “  infecting  ” 
the  Russian  universities.  “  Row,”  continues  our  au¬ 
thor,  “  it  poisons  the  blood  and  maddens  the  brains  of 
artisans  and  peasants.”  Such  words  do  more  than  ex- 


*  “  Money  in  its  Relations  to  Trade  and  Industry,”  by  Francis  A. 
Walker  (New  York,  1879). 


THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION. 


17 


cite  the  anger  of  socialists.  They  arouse  the  indigy 
nation  of  every  lover  of  fair  play,  and  convince  no 
one.  I  take  up  another  work  and  iind  that  a  very 
different  effect  is  produced  on  me  as  I  read  it.  A 
kindly  tone  pervades  it,  which,  if  it  does  not  convince 
error,  tends  at  least  to  obtain  the  good-will  of  those 
whom  it  combats.  This  latter  work  to  which  I  refer 
consists  of  “Lectures  on  Social  Questions,”  and  was 
written  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  J.  H.  Rylance,  of  St.  Mark’s 
Church,  New  York,  a  large-hearted,  fair-minded  man. 

Once  for  all,  we  must  rid  ourselves  of  the  notion 
that  we  can  persuade  people  by  misrepresenting  them 
and  calling  them  hard  names.  Such  conduct  only  re¬ 
acts  against  ourselves.  The  folly  of  such  a  course  has 
been  demonstrated  often  enough  by  the  history  of  so¬ 
cialism.  A  striking  instance  is  given  by  Mehring  in  his 
“History  of  Social  Democracy  in  Germany”  (pp.  96- 
98).*  It  appears  that  a  large  number  of  working-men’s 
unions  had  formed  an  alliance  (  Verbcind  deutscher  Ar- 
beitervereine) ,  of  which  the  Party  of  Progress  ( Fort - 
schrittspartei)  had  assumed  the  leadership.  This  is  a 
political  party  which  was  violently  opposed  to  Lassalle, 
and  had  considerable  sympathy  with  the  doctrines  of 
the  Manchester  school.  When  Lassalle  began  his  agita¬ 
tion,  the  leaders  of  this  party  misrepresented  his  doc¬ 
trines  in  shameful  manner.  It  hardly  seems  as  if  their 
misrepresentation  could  have  been  otherwise  than  wil¬ 
ful.  They  appeared  to  believe  that  the  end  justified 
the  means  in  fighting  so  odious  an  opponent,  and 
that  they  were  not  required  to  treat  him  fairly  and 
honestly.  Well,  their  programme  worked  brilliantly 
for  a  time.  At  the  meetings  of  these  working-men’s 


*  “Die  deutsche  Social-Demokratie ”  (Bremen,  1879). 


18 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


unions  members  of  tbe  Party  of  Progress  used  to  ex¬ 
plain  the  doctrines  of  Lassalle  in  such  manner  as  to 
place  them  in  a  false  light,  and  then  let  the  laborers 
reject  his  plans  by  unanimous  votes.  Union  after 
union  voted  against  him,  and  in  the  summer  of  1863 
these  unions,  at  their  annual  meeting,  professed  the 
principles  of  the  Progressists,  and  selected  a  newspa¬ 
per  edited  by  a  member  of  that  party  as  their  organ. 
In  1864,  at  the  general  meeting  of  the  unions,  some 
followers  of  Lassalle  contradicted  the  misstatements 
of  the  teachings  of  their  master.  This  produced  an 
effect,  and  Friedrich  A.  Lange,  who  had  been  elected 
a  member  of  one  of  the  committees  of  the  alliance  of 
the  unions,  warned  the  Progressists  against  the  course 
they  were  pursuing,  and  advocated  the  fairer,  more 
honorable,  and  more  manly  method  of  warfare.  Lie 
told  them  that  a  reaction  would  surely  set  in  against 
themselves,  when  the  laborers  heard  an  adequate  state¬ 
ment  of  Lassalle’s  plans,  especially  if  they  were  pre¬ 
sented  in  his  own  fiery,  eloquent  words.  But  Lange’s 
earnest  warnings  were  unheeded.  The  laborers  learned 
how  to  reply  to  a  fictitious,  non-existent  Lassalle,  but 
not  to  the  real,  living  one.  Every  annual  meeting  of 
the  working-men’s  unions  witnessed,  accordingly,  an 
approach  to  social  democracy  until  1869,  when  it  was 
accepted  without  reserve,  and  the  alliance  of  wTork- 
ing-men’s  unions  was  merged  into  the  Social  Demo¬ 
cratic  Working-men’s  Party  (Social-demoh'atische  Ar- 
beiterpartei) .  As  Mehring  forcibly  observes  :  “  It  is, 
indeed,  a  singular  misfortune,  and  manifests  a  rare 
lack  of  tact,  to  lead  to  the  enemy  as  welcome  auxilia¬ 
ries  not  merely  single  recruits,  but  entire  army  corps  ” 
(p.  98).  Thousands  of  laborers  might  have  been  saved 
from  social  democracy  if  its  opponents,  in  fighting  it. 


THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION. 


19 


had  adhered  to  the  maxim,  “  Honesty  is  the  best  pol-/ 
icy.”  In  fact,  Mehring  attributes  the  success  and  pop¬ 
ularity  of  Lassalle  more  to  his  enemies  than  to  his  own 
brilliant  talents.  Falsehoods  respecting  his  teachings 
were  uttered  by  his  opponents  without  compunction 
of  conscience,  and  these,  when  exposed,  only  gave  the 
laborers  new  confidence  in  Lasalle,  and  less  faith  than 
ever  in  his  enemies.  Newspapers  abused  him  person¬ 
ally  in  such  manner  as  to  assist  him  in  playing  the  role, 
of  a  martyr  and  hero.  They  spoke  of  his  unripe  spir¬ 
it  and  of  his  mental  dependence  upon  a  tailor  by  the 
name  of  Weitling,  at  a  time  when  the  most  renowned 
scholars  of  Germany  could  not  find  words  with  which 
to  express  their  almost  unbounded  admiration  for  his 
learning  and  talent. 

As  I  wrish  to  represent  communism  and  socialism 
fairly,  I  will  at  once  correct  a  few  popular  errors  in 
regard  to  them. 

First,  then,  it  is  supposed  that  advocates  of  these 
systems  are  poor,  worthless  fellows,  who  adopt  the  arts 
of  a  demagogue  for  the  promotion  in  some  way  of 
their  own  interests,  perhaps  in  order  to  gain  a  liveli¬ 
hood  by  agitating  laborers  and  preying  upon  them.  It 
is  thought  that  they  are  moved  by  envy  of  the  wealth¬ 
ier  classes,  and,  themselves  unwdlling  to  work,  long  for 
the  products  of  diligence  and  ability.  This  view  is 
represented  by  the  following  well-known  lines  : 

“  What  is  a  communist  ?  One  who  hath  yearnings 
For  equal  division  of  unequal  earnings ; 

Idler  or  bungler,  or  both,  he  is  willing 

To  fork  out  his  penny  and  pocket  your  shilling.” 

This  is  certainly  a  false  and  unjust  view.  The  lead¬ 
ing  communists  and  socialists  from  the  time  of  Plato 
up  to  the  present  have  been,  for  the  most  part,  men  of 


20 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


character,  wealth,  talent,  and  high  social  standing.  Of 
Plato  it  is  unnecessary  to  speak,  since  people  are  not  in 
the  habit  of  calling  him  a  shallow  demagogue.  Sir 
Thomas  More,  the  author  of  the  communistic  romance 
“Utopia,”  was  lovable,  learned,  and  socially  honored. 
Robert  Owen,  the  English  communist,  was  a  wealthy 
manufacturer  and  a  distinguished  philanthropist.  Of 
Rodbertus,  Marx,  and  Lassalle  I  shall  speak  presently. 
If  we  examine  the  history  of  even  those  who  are  less 
known  among  the  German  social  democrats  of  to¬ 
day,  we  shall  discover  that  a  great  number  have  made 
sacrifices  for  their  faith.  Hunted  about  and  perse¬ 
cuted  as  they  are,  it  is  assuredly  no  light  matter  to 
proclaim  one’s  self  a  social  democrat.  While,  of 
course,  among  communists  and  socialists,  selfishness, 
meanness,  and  enough  that  is  contemptible  may  be 
found,  I  do  not  believe  any  movement  of  modern  soci¬ 
ety  is  able  to  exhibit  a  greater  amount  of  unselfish 
devotion  than  that  they  represent. 

A  second  charge  against  the  communists  consists  in 
making  them  responsible  for  the  doings  of  the  Pa¬ 
risian  mob  in  1871.  The  error  of  this  has  been  ex¬ 
plained  often  enough.  It  is  due  largely  to  an  acci¬ 
dental  resemblance  between  the  words  commune  and 
communism.  Many  who  use  the  word  commune 
glibly  have  a  very  imperfect  understanding  of  its 
significance,  and  little  imagine  that  it  is  as  harmless 
and  innocent  a  word  as  township,  and  means  pretty 
much  the  same  thing.  The  commune,  with  an  em¬ 
phasis  on  the  article,  means  simply  Paris,  or,  in  a 
secondary  sense,  the  administrative  officers  collec¬ 
tively  governing  Paris.  France  is  divided  into  de¬ 
partments  and  communes,  the  same  as  our  states  are 
divided  into  counties  and  townships,  and  Paris  by  it- 


TIIE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION. 


21 


self  forms  one  of  these  communes.  The  insurrection  in 
Paris,  of  March  18,  1871,  was  one  in  favor  of  extreme 
local  self-government.  The  idea  was  to  make  each 
commune  at  least  as  independent  as  one  of  the  states 
of  the  United  States,  and  to  unite  all  the  communes 
into  a  confederation  with  limited  powers.*  The  move¬ 
ment  in  favor  of  the  autonomy  of  Paris  is  an  old  one, 
and  has  been  supported  by  many  able  and  respectable 
Frenchmen.  One  in  favor  of  the  movement  is,  how¬ 
ever,  properly  called  a  communalist,  and  not  a  commu¬ 
nist,  and  the  movement  itself  is  communalism — not 
communism.  A  careful  study  of  the  decrees  of  the  com¬ 
mune,  of  the  reports  and  of  the  various  histories  which 
have  described  its  rebellion  in  1871,  shows  that  the 
movement  was  political,  primarily,  and  only  to  a  very 
limited  extent  economic.  Even  the  economic  decrees, 
like  the  stay-laws,  postponing  the  time  for  payment  of 
debts  due,  might  be  regarded  as  war  measures.  How¬ 
ever,  out  of  the  seventy  and  more  members  of  the 
communal  government  nine  or  ten  were  social  demo-  * 
crats  and  members  of  the  International,  and  it  is  prob¬ 
able  that  concessions  may  have  been  made  to  win  them 
and  their  adherents.  They  wrere  effectual  in  this,  since 
the  Internationalists  were  disposed  to  favor  the  move¬ 
ment  from  the  start,  and  that  for  two  reasons.  First, 
believing  that  their  ends  can  be  attained  only  by  rev¬ 
olution,  they  are  inclined  to  look  favorably  upon  any 
revolution  whatever,  as  tending  to  cultivate  a  revolu¬ 
tionary  spirit  in  the  people.  Second,  they  favor  the 


*  Vide  the  published  programme  of  the  Commune  of  Paris,  April  19, 
1871,  in  Pierroti’s  “Decrets  et  Rapports  Officiels  de  la  Commune  de 
Paris  et  du  Gouvernement  h  Versailles  du  18  Mars  au  31  Mai,  1871  ” 
(Paris,  1871,  pp.  181-185). 


22 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


autonomy  of  large  cities,  holding  that  the  masses  in 
the  cities  might  more  readily  be  induced  to  adopt 
communistic  and  socialistic  reforms,  if  not  held  in 
check  by  the  more  conservative  rural  population.* 

But  let  us  ask  ourselves  this  question  :  If  all  the 
members  of  the  communal  government  had  been  com¬ 
munists  in  the  ordinary  sense  of  the  word,  would  com¬ 
munism  have  been  necessarily  condemned  ?  I  think 
that  another  question  will  help  us  to  answer  this.  All 
U  the  members  of  that  government  were  republicans  : 
was  republicanism  then  necessarily  condemned  ?  No 
one  hut  a  rabid  tory  would  think  of  giving  an  affirm¬ 
ative  answer  to  this  second  question.  It  is  at  once 
seen  that  the  republican  form  of  government  is  not  re¬ 
sponsible  for  the  conduct  of  every  scoundrel  who  pro¬ 
fesses  republican  principles. 

It  is  urged  further  that  communism  and  socialism 
would  destroy  religion  and  the  family  institution. 
The  reason  of  this  complaint  is  evident  enough.  A 
number  of  social  reformers  have  been  at  the  same  time 
atheists  and  advocates  of  free  love.  The  questions  of 
atheism  and  free  love  are,  however,  totally  different 
from  that  of  even  communism,  the  most  radical  of  all 
the  reforms  proposed.  There  is  no  necessary  connec¬ 
tion  whatever  between  them.  If  it  could  once  be 


*  The  whole  question  is  discussed  in  a  satisfactory  manner  in  Meyer’s 
“  Emancipationskampf  des  vierten  Standes”  (Bd.  ii.  SS.  600-718). 
Among  other  authorities  may  be  mentioned,  as  most  noteworthy, 
Pierroti’s  “Decrets  et  Rapports;  Enquete  Parlementaire  sur  l’lnsur- 
rection  du  1 8  Mars  ” — an  official  report  of  the  investigation  of  the 
French  government ;  “  Enter  der  Pariser  Commune,  ein  Tagebuch  von 
Wilhelm  Lauser”  (Leipzig,  1879);  Maxime  du  Camp,  “Les  Convul¬ 
sions  de  Paris”  (Gth  ed.,  Paris,  1883);  B.  Becker,  “Gescliichte  der 
revolutionaren  Tariser  Kommune  ”  (Brunswick,  1875). 


THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION. 


23 


shown  that  communism  were  practicable,  it  would  be 
easy  to  give  many  .reasons  for  supposing  that  in  such 
a  society  the  love  between  man  and  wife  and  parents 
and  children  would  be  freer  from  selfish  and  sordid 
motives  than  at  present.*  The  clergy  are  partly  to 
blame  for  the  irreligious  attitude  of  many  modern  so¬ 
cialists.  They  have  too  often  made  themselves  the 
advocates  of  conservatism  simply  as  conservatism,  re¬ 
gardless  of  all  abuses  which  it  embraced.  In  countries 
where  Church  and  State  are  connected,  the  clergy  have 
been  too  often  a  sort  of  police,  assisting  the  govern¬ 
ment  to  maintain  existing  institutions,  and  to  oppose 
change,  good  or  bad.  They  have  favored  the  higher 
classes,  upon  whom  their  support  has  depended,  and 
neglected  the  interests  of  the  poor  and  down-trodden. 
I  do  not  write  this  as  an  enemy  of  the  Church,  but  as 
her  friend.  Nor  do  I  express  myself  differently  from 
the  best  of  our  clergymen  at  present.  Rev.  Dr.  Ry- 

*  In  his  “History  of  American  Socialisms”  (Philadelphia,  18Y0), 
Noyes  presents  the  opposite  view,  and  argues  forcibly  in  favor  of  it. 
lie  thinks  “  familism  ”  and  communism  necessarily  antagonistic,  and 
adduces  as  proof  the  success  of  the  Shakers  and  other  communities 
which  repress  the  family  feeling,  and  the  failure  of  many  which  allow 
marriage  and  private  families  as  in  the  outside  world.  I  do  not  think 
his  arguments  satisfactory.  At  most,  they  would  hold  of  small  com¬ 
munistic  bodies  living  in  a  world  practising  individualism.  They 
would  not  be  conclusive  in  a  discussion  of  the  practicability  of  com¬ 
munism — much  less  socialism — as  a  universal  system.  It  is  true, 
also,  that  the  leadership  of  social  democracy  in  the  United  States  and 
elsewhere  has  fallen  into  the  hands  of  those  who,  for  the  most  part, 
hold  views  regarding  religion  and  the  family  which  may  fairly  be 
called  brutal.  The  irreligious  attitude  of  social  democracy  is,  how'- 
ever,  to  be  explained  partly  by  the  fact  that  it  is  a  German  product, 
and  Germany  is  to-day  lamentably  irreligious.  Wliat  is,  however, 
temporary,  accidental,  and  transitional  should  not  be  mistaken  for 
what  is  necessary  and  permanent. 


24 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


lance,  indeed,  has,  in  his  “  Lectures  on  Social  Ques¬ 
tions,”  clothed  this  same  thought  in.  stronger  language. 
In  one  place  he  says,  “The  proper  relations  of  Chris¬ 
tianity  to  the  legitimate  efforts  of  socialism  to  im¬ 
prove  the  condition  of  the  suffering  classes  will  never 
be  understood,  or  the  minds  of  those  now  alienated 
from  the  religion  of  Christ  will  never  be  disabused  of 
their  antipathy,  till  the  essential  claims  of  that  religion 
be  set  in  fairer  and  fuller  light  ;  all  the  perversions  it 
has  suffered  being  frankly  acknowledged,  and  the 
wrongs  done  in  its  name,  as  far  as  possible,  atoned 
for.  Your  Church  histories  are  full  of  such  perver¬ 
sions,  while  your  most  expert  apologists  cannot  dis¬ 
guise  the  wrongs  .  .  .  Ecclesiasticism  *  lias  often  been 
a  fraud  and  a  tyranny  in  history.  As  the  Church 
grew  in  power  and  wealth,  it  allied  itself  to  power 
and  wealth  in  the  hands  of  civil  rulers  and  their  creat¬ 
ures,  and  the  fruits  of  the  alliance  have  often  been 
wicked  and  infamous.” 

Dr.  Rylance  also  declares  that  Christianity  is  a  sort 
of  socialism,  and  quotes  in  proof  these  texts  of  Script¬ 
ure,  among  others  :  “As  every  man  hath  received  the 
gift,  even  so  minister  the  same  one  to  another.”  “  If  ye 
fulfil  the  royal  law,  Thou  slialt  love  thy  neighbor  as 
thyself,  ye  do  well;  but  if  ye  have  respect  to  persons, 
ye  commit  sin.”  “  This  commandment  have  we  from 
him,  That  he  who  lovetli  God,  love  his  brother  also.”  f 


*  Dr.  Rylance  very  properly  distinguishes  ecclesiasticism  from 
Christianity. 

f  The  decay  of  religion  among  the  working  classes  was  the  subject 
of  a  conference  of  working-men,  held  in  London  in  1SG7.  Mr.  J.  M. 
Ludlow,  one  of  their  friends  and  counsellors,  writes  as  follows  in  the 
“Progress  of  the  Laboring  Classes  from  1832  to  18G7,”  concerning 
their  reasons  for  forsaking  religious  services  :r‘ At  the  bottom  of  those 


THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION. 


25 


“  One  way  of  aspersing  the  doctrines  of  commu¬ 
nism,”  says  another  writer,*  “  is  to  call  them  anti-Chris¬ 
tian.  It  is  forgotten  that  the  Christian  idea  of  equal¬ 
ity  underlies  all  the  reasonings  of  communism,  and 
communism  has  succeeded  only  in  so  far  as  it  was 
Christian  in  principle,  having  for  its  fundamental  max¬ 
im  brotherly  love.  In  this,  communism  is  much  more 
Christian  than  the  hankering  after  privileges  of  the 
old  aristocracy,  or  the  unbounded  avarice  of  the  plu¬ 
tocracy.” 

There  are  other  false  accusations  brought  against 
communism  and  socialism,  which  it  is  not  necessary  to 
examine  now.  A  well-disposed  person  will  scarcely 
experience  difficulty  in  separating  them  from  scientific 
argument. 

It  behooves  us  to  disabuse  our  minds  of  all  preju¬ 
dice  and  ill-will.  It  is  only  thus  that  we  shall  be  able 
to  meet  and  overcome  the  social  dangers  which  threat¬ 
en  even  our  own  country  in  a  not  very  distant  future. 
We  have  never  had  a  permanent  laboring  class,  but 


reasons  there  may  be  felt,  not  dislike  or  indifference  to  the  Gospel  itself, 
but,  on  the  contrary,  a  deep  yearning  for  some  mighty  manifestation 
of  it.  The  complaint  is  not  that  Christianity  is  given,  but  that  ‘  priests 
and  parsons  ’  have  given  of  it  ‘  short  weight  and  short  measure  not 
that  it  is  practised  by  its  professors,  but  that  their  practice  falls  so  far 
short  of  their  professions ;  not  that  clergymen  and  minister  inter¬ 
meddle  with  the  working-men,  but  that  they  do  not  come  amon 
and  show  practical  sympathy  with  them  in  their  undertakings, 
ly  a  temper  like  this,  even  when  speaking  out  through  hard  and 
scornful  words,  instead  of  discouraging  Christian  ministers,  should 
brace  and  quicken  them  to  their  work — ay,  though  that  work  should 
consist  partly  in  the  shaking  off  of  their  most  cherished  traditions 
and  habits  of  religious  thought”  (p.  279). 

*  Schiiffle’s  “Socialism  as  Expounded  by  Kaufmann  ”  (London,  1874, 
p.  103). 


26 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


with  the  increase  of  population  one  is  rapidly  de¬ 
veloping.  If  it  is  noio  becoming  extremely  difficult 
for  the  laborer  to  rise,  what  will  the  condition  of 
things  be  when  we  number  two  hundred  millions  ? 
And  that  time  is  not  so  far  off.  At  our  present  rate 
of  increase,  it  will  come  when  some  of  us  are  still 
living.  It  is  a  laboring  class  without  hope  of  im¬ 
provement  for  themselves  or  their  children  which  will 
first  test  our  institutions.  But  he  must  be  singularly 
blind  or  unacquainted  with  the  views  of  the  various 
social  classes  who  is  unable  to  detect  even  now,  in 
certain  quarters,  the  formation  of  habits  and  modes  of 
thought  characteristic  of  the  poorer  classes  in  Europe. 
The  fact  of  this  growth  was  twice  brought  home  to 
me  forcibly  two  winters  ago.  As  I  was  walking  by 
the  Union  League  Club-house,  in  New  York  city, 
at  the  time  of  its  house-warming,  while  the  people 
were  driving  up  in  their  fine  carriages,  one  poor  fel¬ 
low  stood  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  street  watching 
the  ladies  enter  in  their  luxurious  and  extravagant 
toilets.  He  was  a  good-looking,  intelligent  -  appear¬ 
ing  man,  but  wore  no  overcoat.  It  was  a  cold  even¬ 
ing,  and  he  seemed  to  me  to  be  shivering.  He  was 
evidently  thinking  of  the  difference  between  his  lot 
and  that  of  the  fashionable  people  he  was  observing  ; 
and  I  heard  him  mutter  bitterly  to  himself,  “  A  revo¬ 
lution  will  yet  come  and  level  that  fine  building  to 
the  ground.”  A  friend  of  mine,  about  the  same  time, 
passed  a  couple  of  laborers  as  he  was  walking  by  Mr. 
Vanderbilt’s  new  houses  on  Fifth  Avenue.  Some  kind 
of  bronze  work,  I  believe,  was  being  carried  in,  and 
•  he  heard  one  of  them  remark,  savagely,  “The  time 
will  come  when  that  will  be  melted  by  fire.” 

More  significant  and  more  ominous  still  is  the  re- 


THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION. 


27 


ception  accorded  in  this  country  to  a  man  like  John 
Most,  who  has  been  expelled  from  the  social-demo¬ 
cratic  party  in  Germany  on  account  of  his  extreme 
views,  particularly  respecting  assassination  as  a  means 
of  progress,  lie  has  been  travelling  about  the  United 
States,  has  been  warmly  received,  and  listened  to  with 
favor  by  large  bodies  of  workmen  while  uttering  coun¬ 
sels  of  war  and  bloodshed.  On  the  11th  of  February, 
1883,  he  lectured  in  Baltimore.  It  wTas  a  cold,  rainy, 
cheerless  day,  and  the  sidewalks  were  so  covered  with 
melting  snow  as  to  make  it  extremely  unpleasant  to 
venture  out  of  doors.  But  Most  had  a  full  hall  of 
eager  listeners.  He  told  the  laborers  that  he  had  lit¬ 
tle  hope  of  their  overthrowing  their  oppressors  by  the 
use  of  the  ballot.  He  believed  their  emancipation 
would  be  brought  about  by  violence,  as  all  great  re¬ 
forms  in  the  past  had  been.  He  consequently  advised 
them  to  buy  muskets.  He  said  a  musket  was  a  good 
thing  to  have.  If  it  was  not  needed  now,  it  could  be 
placed  in  the  corner,  and  it  occupied  but  little  space. 
The  presiding  officer,  in  closing  the  meeting,  empha¬ 
sized  this  part  of  Most’s  address  particularly.  He  told 
the  laborers  that  a  piece  of  paper  would  never  make 
them  free,  that  a  musket  was  worth  a  hundred  votes, 
and  closed  with  the  lines — 

“  Nur  Pulver  und  Blei, 

Die  maclien  uns  frei” — 

“  lead  and  powder  alone  can  make  us  free.  ”  There 
can  be  no  doubt  that  a  considerable  portion  of  his 
hearers  sympathized  with  his  views.  They  listened 
approvingly,  and  applauded  his  fiercest  remarks  most 

loudly. 

Nor  is  it  without  significance  that  in  New  York 


28 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


alone  at  least  three  social  democratic  newspapers  are 
published.  Two  of  the  three  use  the  German  lan¬ 
guage  ;  one  of  these  is  a  weekly  only  ;  the  other  ap¬ 
pears  in  a  daily,  a  weekly,  and  a  special  Sunday  edition. 
The  third  paper  is  an  English  weekly,  but  it  announces 
the  appearance  of  a  daily  edition  in  the  near  future. 
The  motto  of  one  of  these  papers — Most’s  Freiheit — 
is  “  Gegen  die  Tyrannen  sind  alle  Mitt  el  gesetzlich  ” — 
“  All  measures  are  legal  against  tyrants  ” — i.  e.,  against 
our  employers,  against  capitalists,  against  all  classes 
superior  to  the  laboring  class. 

It  is  not,  however,  necessary  to  take  a  pessimistic 
view  of  our  prospects,  for  it  rests  with  us  to  shape  the 
future.  If  we,  as  a  people,  become  divided  into  two 
great  hostile  camps  —  those  who  possess  economic 
goods  and  those  who  do  not — the  one  class  devoted  to 
luxury  and  self-indulgence,  the  other  given  up  to 
envy  and  bitterness  —  then,  indeed,  dire  evils  are  in 
store  for  us  ;  but  we  have  reason  to  hope  better 
things.  The  attitude  of  clergymen  like  Dr.  Howard 
Crosby*  and  Dr.  Rylance,  the  generosity  of  our  phi¬ 
lanthropists,  unparalleled  in  past  history,  and  the  noble 
efforts  of  noble  women  to  relieve  every  kind  of  suffer¬ 
ing  and  distress,  lead  us  to  trust  that,  as  new  evils 
arise,  strength  and  wisdom  will  be  vouchsafed  us  to 
conquer  them,  and  that  among  us  the  idea  of  the 
brotherhood  of  man  will  ever  become  more  and  more 
a  living  reality. 

*  Vide  his  manly  article  on  the  Dangerous  Classes  in  the  North- 
American  Review  for  April,  1883. 


BABCEUF. 


29 


CHAPTER  II. 

BABCEUF. 

Socialism,  strictly  speaking,  denotes  simply  the 
social  system.  It  is  the  opposite  of  individualism.  A 
socialist  *  is  one  who  looks  to  society  organized  in  the 
state  for  aid  in  bringing  about  a  more  perfect  distri¬ 
bution  of  economic  goods  and  an  elevation  of  human¬ 
ity.  The  individualist  regards  each  man  not  as  his 
brother’s  keeper  but  as  his  own,  and  desires  every 
man  to  work  out  his  own  salvation,  material  and  spir¬ 
itual.  His  advice  to  government  is  expressed  in  the 
well-known  formula,  laissez-faire ,  laissez- passer,  that 
is,  let  things  take  care  of  themselves,  do  not  interfere 
in  the  business  affairs  of  the  citizens.  While  the 
socialist  ascribes  to  the  state  numerous  functions,  the 
individualist  admonishes  government  to  do  as  little 
as  possible.  To  the  one  the  state  is  a  necessary  good  ; 
to  the  other,  a  necessary  evil. 

Cut  socialism  is  also  used  in  a  popular  sense  which 
renders  it  nearly  equivalent  to  communism,  although 
the  two  ought  to  be  distinguished.  The  central  idea 
of  communism  is  economic  equality.  It  is  desired  by 
communists  that  all  ranks  and  differences  in  society 


*  The  words  socialist  and  socialism  were  introduced  into  economic 
discussion  by  L.  Reybaud,  in  1840,  in  his  “Etudes  sur  les  Reforma- 
teurs  ou  Socialistes  Modernes.” 


30 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


should  disappear,  and  one  man  be  as  good  as  another, 
to  use  the  popular  phrase.  The  distinctive  idea  of 
socialism  is  distributive  justice.  It  goes  back  of  the 
processes  of  modern  life  to  the  fact  that  he  who  does 
not  work,  lives  on  the  labor  of  others.  It  aims  to  dis¬ 
tribute  economic  goods  according  to  the  services  ren¬ 
dered  by  the  recipients.  We  see  thus  that  the  word 
socialist  is  most  inclusive.  Every  communist  is  a 
socialist,  and  something  more.  Not  every  socialist  is 
a  communist.  We  might  call  a  communist  an  ex¬ 
treme  socialist,  and  thus  include  under  socialists  both 
socialists  and  communists,  though  it  is  in  general  best 
to  make  the  distinction.  We  could  not  include  social¬ 
ists  under  communists. 

The  socialistic  and  communistic  schemes  of  modern 
times  may  be  classified  as  follows : 

A.  Communism. 

1.  French  and  English  Communism. 

2.  Social  Democracy. 

3.  International  Communism. 

B.  Socialism. 

1.  Pure  Socialism. 

2.  State  and  Professorial  Socialism. 

3.  Christian  Socialism. 

4.  French  Collectivism. 

5.  French  Anarchists  and  Blanquists. 

G.  Social  Democracy. 

7.  International  Socialism.. 

The  most  general  division  is  that  into  communism 
and  socialism.  As  subdivisions,  social  democracy  and 
the  International  figure  under  both  of  the  leading  di¬ 
visions,  as  these  parties  include  socialists  and  com¬ 
munists.  Under  French  communism  are  included 


BABCEUF. 


31 


adherents  of  the  French  Collectivists,  Anarchists,  and 
Blanquists. 

Baboeuf  and  Cabet  are  perhaps  the  two  leading 
French  representatives  of  pure  communism,  Baboeuf 
representing  that  of  the  French  Revolution.* 

Francis  Noel  Baboeuf  was  born  in  St.  Quentin,  in 
the  Department  of  Aisne,  in  1764.f  He  appears  to 
have  come  of  a  good  family,  for  his  father  was  a 
major  in  the  Austrian  army.  The  elder  Baboeuf  de¬ 
voted  much  attention  to  his  son’s  education,  and,  in 
particular,  took  especial  pains  to  give  him  a  good 
mathematical  training  ;  but  he  died  when  the  young 
man  was  only  sixteen  years  of  age,  and  this  obliged 
Baboeuf  to  leave  his  studies  and  seek  employment. 
After  having  filled  various  subordinate  positions, 
he  became  a  land  -  surveyor,  and  was  finally  elected 
an  administrator  of  the  Department  of  the  Somme  ; 
but  did  not  enjoy  this  post  long,  for  he  was  soon 
arrested  on  a  charge  of  forgery,  condemned,  and 
sentenced  to  twenty  years’  imprisonment.  He  es¬ 
caped  to  Paris  and  joined  the  revolutionary  move¬ 
ment.  Like  Mably  and  numerous  speculative  thinkers 
at  that  time,  he  was  filled  with  admiration  for  the 
socialistic  institutions  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans. 
He  even  called  himself  Gracchus  Baboeuf,  after  the 
Roman  tribune,  and  founded  a  paper  which  he  named 
Tribune  of  the  People ,  and  which  was  the  first  social- 


*  It  does  not  fall  within  the  province  of  this  work  to  describe 
English  communism.  Its  best  representative  is  Robert  Owen,  about 
whose  life  and  teachings  information  is  to  be  found  in  “  The  Life  of 
Robert  Owen,  Written  by  Himself,”  and  in  A.  J.  Booth’s  “  Robert 
Owen,  the  Founder  of  Socialism  in  England.”  Both  of  the  works 
are  interesting  and  valuable. 

+  1762  is  also  given  as  the  year  of  his  birth. 


32 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


istic  newspaper  ever  published.  He  signed  his  arti¬ 
cles  Caius  Gracchus,  and  in  them  he  attacked  the  in¬ 
stitutions  of  civilized  society  and  the  party  which  ac¬ 
complished  the  Revolution  of  Thermidor,  executed 
Robespierre  and  St.  Just,  and  finally  terminated  the 
Reign  of  Terror.  His  violent  abuse  of  those  in  au¬ 
thority  and  his  revolutionary  projects  led  to  his  im¬ 
prisonment  for  a  few  months  in  1795.  He  improved 
the  opportunity  to  establish  a  connection  with  Darthe, 
Buonarroti  and  other  Jacobins  and  Terrorists,  of  whom 
there  were  nearly  two  thousand  in  the  same  prison. 
Upon  their  release,  they  formed  a  conspiracy,  called, 
after  its  leader,  “  the  conspiracy  of  Babceuf.”  Its  ob¬ 
ject  was  to  overthrow  the  Directory  and  introduce 
the  communistic  millennium,  which  they  had  begun 
to  evolve  in  the  prison.  The  members  of  the  band 
called  themselves  the  Equals.  They  formed  a  com¬ 
plex  and  skilfully  contrived  organization,  whose  cen¬ 
tre  was  the  secret  committee  of  insurrection.  This 
consisted  of  the  following  seven  members  ;  Babceuf, 
Buonarroti,  Sylvain  Marechal,  Felix  Lepelletier,  An- 
tonelle,  Darthe,  and  Debon.  Most  of  them  were  jour¬ 
nalists.  Marechal  was  author  of  a  Dictionary  of 
Atheists  (“  Dictionnaire  des  Athees”).  Paris  was  di¬ 
vided  into  districts,  in  each  of  which  workers  and  re¬ 
porters  were  engaged  in  propaganda.  They  did  not, 
however,  even  know  the  names  of  the  seven  chiefs  of 
the  committee  of  insurrection,  a  general  agent,  Didier, 
acting  as  intermediary  between  the  committee  and 
other  agents. 

The  activity  of  the  leaders  was  remarkable,  and  met 
with  a  considerable  success  in  winning  adherents.  In 
April,  1796,  seventeen  thousand  men  were  prepared  to 
join  them  in  an  insurrection  against  the  Directory  and 


BABCEUF. 


33 


for  the  establishment  of  a  communistic  republic.  A 
Manifesto  of  the  Equals,  prepared  by  Marechal,  was 
published  and  scattered  broadcast  among  the  people. 
It  contained  a  development  of  their  programme,  and  an 
invitation  to  join  in  the  proposed  movement.  Tracts 
were  distributed  in  large  numbers,  and  incendiary 
broadsides  were  from  time  to  time  affixed  to  the  walls. 
One  of  the  leaders,  however,  proved  false,  turned  in¬ 
former,  and  procured  the  arrest  of  the  chief  conspira¬ 
tors  on  the  10th  of  May,  1796.  After  a  considerable 
delay  and  a  long  trial,  two  of  them,  Baboeuf  and  Dar- 
the,  were  condemned  to  death  in  the  following  year, 
while  Buonarroti  and  six  others  were  sentenced  to 
deportation.  Sixty-five  were  tried,  but  fifty-six  were 
discharged  on  account  of  lack  of  evidence.  Baboeuf 
and  Darthe  were  guillotined  on  the  24th  of  May,  1797, 
Babceuf’s  last  words  being,  “  I  wrap  myself  into  a 
virtuous  slumber.”  * 

Buonarroti  did  not  suffer  deportation,  but  was  in¬ 
stead  confined  in  prison  for  some  time  and  then  al¬ 
lowed  to  escape  to  Switzerland,  whence  he  was  obliged 
to  flee  to  Belgium  after  the  Congress  of  Vienna,  be¬ 
cause  Geneva  was  unable  to  tolerate  him  during:  the 
reactionary  period  which  followed.  He  supported  him¬ 
self  by  teaching  music  and  other  branches  of  learning, 
and  wrote  a  remarkable  account  of  the  conspiracy  in 
which  he  had  been  engaged.  It  was  published  in 
Brussels  in  1828,  and  after  the  Revolution  of  July  it 


*  For  the  details  of  the  conspiracy,  consult  Von  Sybel,  “Geschiehte 
der  Revolutionszeit,”  Bd.  iv.  Buch  i.  Capitel  4,  and  Buonarroti’s  “  Ilis- 
toire  de  la  Conspiration  pour  l’l£galite,  dite  de  Baboeuf”  (2  vols., 
Brussels,  1828).  A  fourth  edition  in  one  volume  appeared  in  Paris 
in  1850.  An  English  translation  by  Bronterre  appeared  in  London 
in  1836. 


3 


34 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


became  a  power  in  France.  It  revived  the  memory 
of  Babceuf  and  his  schemes,  and  rallied  a  number  of 
followers  about  the  old  flag.  Bavouism,  as  Baboeuf’s 
system  was  called,  was  thus  enabled  to  play  a  role  in 
French  history  from  1830  to  1839,  when  a  premature 
rising  of  the  laborers  was  easily  suppressed.*  Even 
to-day,  Buonarroti’s  work  has  not  ceased  to  influence 
the  thought  of  French  laborers. 

Babceuf’s  theoretical  development  of  communism, 
based  largely  on  Morelly’s  “  Code  de  la  Nature,”  is 
comparatively  simple.  Its  leading  idea  is  expressed 
in  these  words  :  “  The  aim  of  society  is  the  happiness 
of  all,  and  happiness  consists  in  equality.”  The  fact  is 
emphasized  again  and  again  that  this  equality  must 
be  perfect  and  absolute.  It  is  officially  proclaimed 
that  the  harmony  of  the  system  w'ould  be  broken  if 
there  was  one  single  man  in  the  world  richer  or  more 
powerful  than  his  fellows.  The  adherents  of  this  doc¬ 
trine  were  ready  to  sacrifice  everything  to  their  de¬ 
sire  for  equality.  “We  are  prepared,”  cried  they, 
“  to  consent  to  everything  for  it,  we  are  prepared 
even  to  make  tabula  rasa  to  obtain  it.  Let  all  the 
arts  perish  if  need  be,  provided  we  retain  real  equal¬ 
ity.”!  The  first  article  of  the  official  declaration  of 
rights,  as  established  by  the  secret  committee  of  in¬ 
surrection,  reads:  “Nature  has  given  to  every  man 
an  equal  right  to  the  enjoyment  of  all  goods.”  In  the 
“proofs”  following,  it  is  maintained  that  all  public 
and  private  wrongs,  as  oppressions,  tyrannies,  wars, 

I  *  The  best  authority  on  the  economic  movements  of  this  period  is 
L.  Blanc’s  “Histoire  de  dix  ans  1830-40”  (12th  ed.  1870). 

f  Vide  the  Manifesto  of  the  Equals.  This,  as  well  as  a  number  of 
their  most  important  papers,  may  be  found  in  Reybaud’s  “  Etudes  sur 
les  Reformateurs  ”  (vol.  ii.  pp.  423-453,  7th  ed.,  Paris,  1864). 


BABCEUF. 


35 


and  crimes,  take  their  origin  in  disobedience  to  this 
natural  law.  At  least  six  of  the  eleven  articles  of 
this  “  Charter  of  Equality  ”  do  little  more  than  repeat 
in  varying  form  the  idea  contained  in  article  1.  Ar¬ 
ticle  7,  e.  <7.,  reads :  “In  a  true  society  there  ought  to 
be  neither  poor  nor  rich.”  Article  10,  “  The  end  of 
the  revolution  is  to  destroy  inequality  and  to  re-es¬ 
tablish  the  common  happiness.” 

How  was  equality  to  be  attained?  Perhaps  it  is 
best  to  correct  at  the  start  a  popular  error  by  stating 
how  they  did  not  expect  to  obtain  equality.  They 
were  not  foolish  enough  to  propose  to  divide  the 
wealth  of  society  among  the  various  citizens  and  then 
allow  the  production  and  distribution  of  economic 
goods  to  go  on  as  at  present.  It  is  a  matter  of  course 
that  under  such  circumstances  inequalities  would  again 
arise  within  twenty-four  hours.  This  is  so  perfectly 
obvious  that  no  communist  of  note  has  ever  proposed 
anything  so  childish  and  absurd.  Yet  it  is  a  widely 
prevalent  notion  that  this  is  what  the  communists  have 
desired.  One  of  the  Rothschilds  of  Frankfort-on-the- 
Main  once  hearing  a  poor  man  complain  of  his  lot, 
and  express  a  desire  for  the  equality  of  communism, 
is  said  immediately  to  have  put  his  hand  in  his  pocket, 
drawn  out  two  or  three  shillings,  and  offered  them  to 
the  poor  man  as  his  share  of  the  wealth  of  a  Roths¬ 
child,  were  it  equally  divided  among  all  the  inhabit¬ 
ants  of  Germany.  This  is  often  told  as  a  business 
man’s  concise  and  practical  refutation  of  communism. 
It  has,  however,  no  significance  at  all  either  for  or 
against  that  economic  system.  All  communists  with¬ 
out  exception  propose  that  the  people  as  a  whole,  or 
some  particular  division  of  the  people,  as  a  village  or 
commune,  should  own  all  the  means  of  production — 


36 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


land,  houses,  factories,  railroads,  canals,  etc.;  that  pro¬ 
duction  should  be  carried  on  in  common  ;  and  that 
officers,  selected  in  one  way  or  another,  should  dis¬ 
tribute  among  the  inhabitants  the  fruits  of  their  labor. 
Under  such  circumstances  inequalities  could  have  no 
opportunity  to  spring  up;  nor  do  we  find  communistic 
experiments  failing  because  it  is  impossible  to  main¬ 
tain  equality.  Where  it  is  really  desired,  it  is  not 
difficult  to  secure  it.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  however,  it 
is  not  desired  by  the  great  masses  of  any  land  of  Chris¬ 
tendom,  nor  would  they  for  a  moment  consent  to  en¬ 
dure  it. 

But  to  return  from  this  digression.  Babceuf  pro¬ 
posed  to  attain  equality  by  degrees.  He  desired  that 
a  large  national  and  common  property  should  be  at 
once  formed  out  of  the  property  of  corporations  and 
public  institutions.  The  property  of  individuals  was 
to  be  added  to  this  upon  their  death,  as  inheritance 
was  to  be  abolished.  All  property  would  thus  become 
nationalized  in  the  course  of  fifty  years.  Production 
was  to  be  carried  on  in  common  under  officers  chosen 
by  popular  vote.  These  same  officers,  according  to 
the  scheme,  decide  upon  the  needs  and  requirements 
of  the  different  individuals  of  the  society,  and  divide 
the  products  of  their  common  industry.  The  earth 
must  belong  to  all,  and  its  fruits  must  be  common 
property.  Officers  receive  no  more  than  those  under 
them,  and  a  rapid  rotation  in  office  prevents  the  ac¬ 
quirements  of  habits  and  thoughts  consequent  on  su¬ 
perior  position.  No  one  becomes  accustomed  to  com¬ 
mand  ;  no  one  becomes  accustomed  to  obey. 

The  country  is  divided  into  “regions,”  and  the  “re¬ 
gions  ”  into  “  departments.”  There  is  a  central  and 
superior  administration  for  the  entire  country,  an  in- 


BABCEUF. 


37 


termediate  one  for  each  “  region,”  and  a  subordinate 
one  for  each  “department.”  Each  administration  has 
its  own  duties — the  lowest  coming  into  contact  with 
individuals,  the  higher  supervising  the  subordinate 
boards.  Government  is  absolute,  notwithstanding  the 
adoption  of  the  watchword  “Liberte.”  On  its  orders  ^ 
citizens  are  sent  from  commune  to  commune,  as  their 
services  may  be  required ;  and  the  “  superfluous  ” 
products  of  one  region  are  transferred  to  another  less 
fortunate  one.  The  supreme  administration  must  store 
up  the  surplus  of  years  of  plenty  as  provision  for  un¬ 
fruitful  years.  It  also  conducts  trade  with  foreign 
nations,  for  which  purpose  great  magazines  or  store¬ 
houses  are  erected  on  the  frontiers  and  the  borders  of 
the  sea.  No  private  individual  is  allowed  to  trade 
with  foreign  countries,  and  all  merchandise  used  in 
such  trade  is  confiscated  for  the  benefit  of  the  com¬ 
munity.  All  intercourse  with  outside  countries  is  care¬ 
fully  watched  to  prevent  the  importation  of  erroneous 
ideas  and  disastrous  customs.  Even  within  the  coun¬ 
try  only  such  publications  are  allowed  as  teach  the  un¬ 
qualified  blessings  of  equality. 

Article  3  of  the  “  Organization  of  the  Government  of 
the  Community  ”  enumerates  the  kinds  of  labor  which 
the  law  considers  useful,  and  which  alone  entitle  an 
individual  to  exercise  any  political  right  whatever. 
They  are  the  following:  agriculture,  which  is  especial¬ 
ly  favored,  as  being  most  natural  to  man;  the  pastoral 
life  ;  fishing;  navigation;  mechanic  and  manual  arts; 
retail  trade ;  transportation;  war;  teaching;  and  the 
sciences.  However,  teaching  is  only  then  considered 
useful  when  it  is  undertaken  by  one  who  has  declared 
his  adherence  to  the  principles  of  the  community,  and 
bears  a  certificate  of  “civisme.”  Literature  and  the 


38 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


fine  arts  are  not  included,  being  regarded  with  little 
favor. 

The  whole  scheme  is  dreary  and  monotonous.  All 
differences  save  those  relating  to  age  and  sex  being 
abolished,  equality  is  even  interpreted  to  mean  uni¬ 
formity.  All  must  be  dressed  alike,  save  that,  distinc¬ 
tions  are  made  for  sex  and  age  ;  all  must  eat  the  same 
quantity  of  the  same  kind  of  food,  and  all  must  be 
educated  alike.*  As  the  higher  goods  of  life  are  light¬ 
ly  esteemed,  education  is  restricted  to  the  acquirement 
of  elementary  branches  of  knowledge,  and  of  those 
practical  in  a  material  sense.  Comfortable  mediocrity 
in  everything  is  the  openly  expressed  ideal. 

Children  are  removed  from  the  family  at  an  early 
age,  and  brought  up  together,  to  train  them  in  princi¬ 
ples  of  communism,  and  to  prevent  the  growth  of  dif¬ 
ferences  and  inequalities. 

All  things  are  contrived  to  level  down  and  not  to 
level  up  ;  to  bring  the  highest  down  to  the  plane  of 
stupid,  self-satisfied  mediocrity,  and  not  to  elevate  the 
less  fortunate  to  higher  thoughts,  feelings,  and  enjoy¬ 
ments. 

This  most  cheerless  of  all  communistic  schemes  fitly 
took  its  origin  among  those  sunk  in  the  most  degraded 
materialism  of  the  French  Revolution. 


*  Vide  the  “  Manifesto  of  the  Equals.” 


CABET. 


39 


CHAPTER  III. 

CABET. 

It  is  a  relief  to  turn  one’s  attention  to  the  plans  of 
Etienne  Cabet.  They,  at  least,  have  the  merit  of  not 
robbing  life  of  all  poetry,  sentiment,  and  trust  in  some¬ 
thing  higher  and  better  than  food  and  drink.  One 
might  find  life  tolerable  in  one  of  Cabet’s  communes  ; 
but  every  noble  soul  will  acknowledge  that  if  life’s 
ends  and  aims  are  all  to  centre  in  a  full  stomach  and  a 
warm  cloak,  then,  indeed,  life  is  not  worth  the  living. 

Cabet,  son  of  a  cooper,  was  born  in  1788  in  Dijon. 
He  received  a  good  education,  became  a  lawyer,  and 
practised  first  in  his  native  city,  then  in  Paris.  He 
was  appointed  attorney-general  of  Corsica  in  1830, 
but  lost  his  place  in  the  following  year  on  account  of 
his  opposition  to  government.  He  was  elected  mem¬ 
ber  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  shortly  after,  and  re¬ 
turned  to  Paris.  He  devoted  the  remainder  of  his 
life  to  literature,  politics,  and  communism.  One  of 
his  principal  works  was  a  “Popular  History  of  the 
French  Revolution  from  1789  to  1830.”  *  In  a  journal 
which  he  published  at  that  time,  Le  Populaire ,  he  ad¬ 
vocated  moderate  communistic  principles,  or  Icarian 
principles,  as  they  were  afterwards  called.  He  was 

*  “Histoire  Populaire  de  la  Revolution  Fran9aise  de  1789  ^  1830” 
(5  vols.,  2d  ed.,  Paris,  1845-47). 


40 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


condemned  to  two  years’  imprisonment  for  an  article 
in  this  paper,  in  which  he  attacked  the  king  personal¬ 
ly,  but  he  was  fortunate  enough  to  escape  imprison¬ 
ment  by  flight  to  London.  It  was  here  he  became 
acquainted  with  Sir  Thomas  More’s  “Utopia,”  from 
which  he  drew  a  large  part  of  his  inspiration.  He  re¬ 
turned  to  France  in  1839,  and  published  his  “Voyage 
to  Icaria,”  *  which  he  himself  called  a  philosophical 
and  social  romance — Homan  philosophique  et  social. 
The  title  indicates  his  dreamy  character.  He  de¬ 
scribes  in  this  work  a  previously  unknown  country, 
not  quite  so  large  as  France  or  England,  but  as  popu¬ 
lous  and  a  thousand  times  more  blessed.  Peace, 
wisdom,  joy,  pleasures,  and  happiness  reign  there. 
Crimes  are  unknown.  It  is  Icaria  ;  “  a  second  Prom¬ 
ised  Land,  an  Eden,  an  Elysium,  a  new  terrestrial 
Paradise.”  f 

The  writer  of  the  “Voyage  to  Icaria  ”  represents  that 
he  met  in  London  Lord  William  Carisdall,  who  found 
in  Icaria  the  one  truly  happy  people  he  had  discovered 
in  his  travels.  Lord  William  kept  a  journal,  in  which 
he  described  this  wonder-land,  and  this,  we  are  told, 
has  been  edited  and  revised  for  the  public  with  his  con¬ 
sent.  The  object  is  to  show  that  communism  is  prac¬ 
ticable  and  is  the  solution  of  all  social  problems.  It 
contains  an  account  of  an  ideal  society,  but  one  which 
Cabet  thought  he  was  able  to  establish.  He  made  the 
attempt,  choosing  Texas  as  a  place  in  which  his  ideals 
were  to  be  realized.  He  secured  the  grant  of  a  large 
tract  of  land  on  the  Hed  River,  and  sent  out  several 
advance-  guards  of  Icarians  in  1 848,  who  were,  however, 


*  “Voyage  en  Icarie”  (2d  ed.,  Paris,  1842,  1  vol.  8vo,  pp.  566). 
f  Ibid.  p.  3. 


CABET. 


41 


attacked  by  the  yellow  fever,  and  had  disbanded  before 
he  arrived  in  New  Orleans  with  a  later  detachment. 
He  learned  on  his  arrival  that  the  Mormons  had  aban¬ 
doned  their  settlement  in  Nauvoo,  Ill.,  and  set  out 
for  that  place  with  his  followers.  While  the  Icarians 
were  in  Nauvoo  they  numbered,  all  told,  at  one  time 
fifteen  hundred.  As  Nordhoff,  in  his  “  Communistic 
Societies  in  the  United  States,”  justly  remarks,  Cabet 
might  have  done  something  with  such  a  large  band, 
if  he  had  had  anything  of  a  business  head.  But  he 
lacked  firmness  and  perseverance.  They  met  with 
some  success  in  cultivating  their  land,  established 
shops,  pursued  trades,  and  set  up  a  printing-office  ; 
but  instead  of  rejoicing  in  his  prosperity,  and  laboring 
to  increase  it,  Cabet  was  dreaming  what  he  might  do 
if  he  had  half  a  million,  as  is  evinced  by  a  publica¬ 
tion  which  appeared  about  that  time,  entitled  “  Wenn 
ich  $500,000  hatte  ” — “  If  I  only  had  $500,000.”  He 
described  the  theatre  and  the  fine  houses  he  would 
build,  the  gas  -  works  he  would  found,  the  parks  he 
would  lay  out,  and  showed,  among  other  things,  how 
he  could  then  introduce  hot  and  cold  water  in  the 
houses. 

To  his  description  of  this  brochure  Nordhoff  adds  : 
“  Alas  for  the  dreams  of  a  dreamer  !  I  turned  over 
the  leaves  of  his  pamphlet  while  wandering  through 
the  present  Icaria,  on  one  chilly  Sunday  in  March, 
with  a  keen  sense  of  pain  at  the  contrast  between  the 
comfort  and  elegance  he  so  glowingly  described  and 
the  dreary  poverty  of  the  life  which  a  few  determined 
men  and  women  have  there  chosen  to  follow,  for  the 
sake  of  principles  which  they  hold  both  true  and  valu¬ 
able.”  * 

*  Page  335. 


42 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


It  is  said  that  Cabet  developed  a  dictatorial  spirit 
in  Nauvoo.  This  may  be  doubted.  It  is  possible  he 
only  attempted  to  enforce  measures  without  which  he 
believed  the  commune  must  prove  a  failure.  At  any 
rate,  a  division  took  place  among  the  Icarians.  The 
colony  at  Nauvoo  was  broken  up,  and  the  members 
scattered,  save  fifty  or  sixty,  who  emigrated  to  Iowa. 
Cabet  and  his  followers  went  to  St.  Louis,  where  he 
died  in  1856.  The  emigrants  to  Iowa  founded  a  set¬ 
tlement  near  Corning,  on  the  Burlington  and  Missouri 
Kailroad,  which  they  called  Icaria.  They  began  with 
four  thousand  acres  of  land  and  a  debt  of  120,000.  At 
first  they  had  a  hard  struggle,  being  obliged  to  content 
themselves  even  with  log-houses.  When  Mr.  Nord- 
hoff  wrote  his  book,  in  1874,  the  debt  wTas  paid,  they 
lived  in  frame  houses,  and  enjoyed  a  considerable  de¬ 
gree  of  comfort.  The  community  consisted  of  eleven 
families  and  sixty-five  members,  comprising  twenty 
children  and  twenty-three  voters.  They  had  a  good 
saw-mill  and  a  grist-mill,  and  owned  one  thousand 
nine  hundred  and  thirty-six  acres  of  land,  of  which 
three  hundred  and  fifty  were  under  cultivation.  They 
had  one  hundred  and  twenty  cattle  and  five  hundred 
sheep. 

A  friend  *  has  lately  spent  a  week  in  Icaria,  and  has 
kindly  written  me  the  following  account  of  the  present 
condition  of  the  community,  which  has  experienced 
noteworthy  changes  since  Mr.  Nordhoff  paid  it  a  brief 
visit  a  few  years  ago  : 

“  Grinnell,  Ia.,  May  7,  1883. 

“ - .  First,  let  me  say  that  I  think  no  one  has  yet  done  ade¬ 

quate  justice  to  Icarian  history.  ...  I  was  fortunate  in  being  re- 

*  Mr.  Albert  Shaw,  late  graduate  student  in  the  Johns  Hopkins 
University. 


CABET. 


43 


ceived  into  the  community  in  the  most  friendly  manner,  and  spent 
many  hours  in  talking  with  the  members.  Especially,  I  was  fortu¬ 
nate  in  making  the  acquaintance  of  two  old  men — original  members 
— one  of  them  the  leader  in  the  quarrel  with  Cabet  at  Nauvoo,  and 
the  successor  of  Cabet  as  president.  ...  I  have  never  enjoyed  a 
visit  more  than  this,  for  the  Icarians,  though  poor  and  necessarily 
very  hampered,  are  highly  courteous  and  intelligent.  To  begin  with 
their  dissensions.”  [For  the  present  purpose  it  is  sufficient  to  state 
that  the  members  of  the  community,  not  being  able  to  live  together 
peaceably,  agreed  to  separate;  the  “  loung  Party”  retained  the  old 
village,  and  is  now  officially  known  as  the  “  Icarian  Community,”  and 
the  “  Old  Party  ”  established  a  new  commune  in  the  vicinity.] 

“  The  reorganization  into  two  groups  happened  just  four  years  ago. 

.  .  .  The  court  declared  the  articles  of  incorporation  forfeited,  on  the 
technical  ground  that  a  commune  incorporated  as  an  agricultural  so¬ 
ciety  was  exceeding  its  charter  in  running  a  grist-mill  and  manu¬ 
facturing  flour !  The  arbitrators  divided  the  property  on  an  equitable 
basis.  They  ascertained  the  amount  of  property  each  had  brought 
into  the  society,  the  number  of  years  each  had  labored  for  the  society, 
and  on  these  principles  they  declared  each  individual  entitled  to  a 
certain  proportion  of  the  property.  The  ‘Young  Party ’  associated 
themselves  and  obtained  new  articles  of  incorporation.  .  .  .  They 
assumed  the  original  name.  They  wrere  the  minority  in  voting  num¬ 
bers,  but,  counting  children,  they  were  more  numerous  than  the  ‘Old 
Folks’  Party.’  The  ‘Old  Folks’  did  not  take  out  articles  of  incorpo¬ 
ration.  Instead,  they  formed  themselves  into  a  general  partnership 
based  on  recorded  articles  of  agreement,  which  I  send  j7ou  ( Contrat 
de  la  Nouvelle  Com.  dear.).  The  other  party  having  got  possession 
of  the  name,  the  *  Old  Folks  ’  called  their  society  ‘  The  New  Icarian 
Community.’ 

“At  the  time  of  the  dissolution,  the  Icarians  owned  over  two  thou¬ 
sand  acres  of  land.  The  ‘  Old  Party  ’  were  found  entitled  to  some¬ 
what  more  than  half  the  property.  Both  parties  have  at  different 
times  made  small  purchases  and  sales  of  land.  At  the  time  of  the 
dissolution  it  wras  expected  that  the  ‘  Old  Party  ’  would  remain  in  the 
original  village,  and  that  the  ‘  Young  Party  ’  w'ould  go  to  the  east  side 
of  the  estate  and  build  themselves  new  houses ;  but  finally  the  ‘  Old 
Folks  ’  chose  to  be  the  emigrants,  and  they  have  a  new  village  nearly 
a  mile  cast  of  the  original  village  (which  is  now  occupied  by  the 
‘  Icarian  Community  ’). 


44 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


“At  present  the  ‘New  Icarian  Community’  (i.  e.,  the  ‘Old  Folks’) 
have  about  one  thousand  and  eighty-five  acres.  About  two  hundred 
acres  is  in  timber  (which,  however,  is  not  valuable  except  for  fire¬ 
wood,  posts,  etc.  There  are  few  trees  left  which  are  valuable  for 
lumber.  Iowa  timber  in  general  is  of  little  value.)  About  three  hun¬ 
dred  acres  are  being  cultivated  this  year.  They  were  planting  corn 
while  I  was  with  them,  and  will  put  in  two  hundred  acres.  One 
hundred  acres  will  be  in  wheat,  potatoes,  etc.  They  have  eighteen 
horses,  and  about  one  hundred  cattle — milk  about  thirty  cows.  In 
summer  they  sell  cream  to  the  Creamery  in  Corning.  They  will  sell 
this  year  a  dozen  or  so  beef  steers.  They  have  about  two  hundred 
hogs,  and  will  sell  eighty  this  year.  Last  year  they  sold  $300  worth 
of  potatoes.  They  cut  from  two  to  three  hundred  tons  of  hay  an¬ 
nually.  They  have  the  old  mill,  built  in  1853  or  1854,  but  are  not 
doing  a  great  deal  with  it.  They  make  some  flour,  and  the  mill  nets 
them  a  clear  profit  of  not  more  than  $200  or  $300  per  year. 

“The  official  inventory  of  the  ‘New  Icarian  Society,’  made  on  Jan. 
1,  1883,  gives  the 

Total  assets . $28,009.35 

Total  debts .  5,646.50 

Net .  $22,362.85 

In  the  above  estimate  the  land  was  valued  rather  too  low,  and  a  part 
of  the  indebtedness  has  already  been  paid.  The  way  is  now  pretty 
clear  out  of  all  financial  difficulties.  They  pay  about  $225  annual 
taxes.  They  number  at  the  present  time  thirty-four  people.  Their 
village  consists  of  a  central  two-story  frame  building  (worth  about 
$1500),  twenty-two  feet  by  forty  feet,  perfectly  plain;  the  first  story 
is  a  common  dining-hall  and  kitchen,  and  the  second  story  has  rooms 
for  a  family  and  several  old  men.  They  have  also  eight  frame  houses, 

‘  story-and-a-half,’  about  fourteen  by  twenty-two,  built  uniformly,  and 
arranged  symmetrically  about  the  dining-hall.  Each  is  occupied  by 
a  family.  The  arrangement  is  as  follows : 


CABET. 


45 


Each  house  has  a  small  plot  for  flowers,  etc.  The  interiors  are  ex¬ 
cessively  plain.  The  living  in  the  common  hall  is  frugal  but  abun¬ 
dant.  Of  the  thirty-four  people  twelve  are  men,  of  whom  six  are 
over  sixty ;  ten  are  women,  of  whom  two  are  over  sixty,  and  two  are 
young  and  unmarried ;  and  twelve  are  children,  ranging  in  age  from 
three  weeks  to  twelve  years.  Seven  children  are  in  school ;  the  other 
five  are  too  young.  Of  course  everything  looks  new  and  rather  bleak 
about  this  new  village,  but  the  site  is  admirably  chosen.  The  pros¬ 
pect,  as  one  looks  out  from  the  windows  of  the  dining-room,  is  beau¬ 
tiful,  and  a  dozen  years  hence,  if  fortune  favors,  the  New  Icaria  will 
be  a  charming  place.  In  spite  of  bitter  adversities,  these  New  Ica- 
rians  are  a  bright,  agreeable,  vivacious  people.  They  could  talk  Eng¬ 
lish  well  enough  for  my  benefit,  but  their  home-talk  is  entirely  French. 
The  children  are  very  pretty  and  attractive,  and  all  are  polite  and 
superior -mannered.  They  have  a  promising  young  vineyard  and 
apple-orchard,  and  a  good  large  garden  for  kitchen  vegetables.  The 
people  are  all  French  except  one  Spaniard,  who  came  from  Cuba 
many  years  ago.  Their  president,  A.  A.  Marchand,  was  one  of  the 
original  sixty-nine  vanguard  who  went  to  Texas  in  1848,  and  he  has 
always  been  a  prominent  man.  He  is  a  gentleman  worthy  of  the 
highest  regard.  Another  member,  Sauva,  who  was  president  the  year 
Hinds’s  book  (‘  American  Communities,’  18*78)  was  written,  and  whom 
you  find  mentioned  in  Hinds’s  account,  is  still  with  this  society.  He 
was  formerly  a  member  of  the  Cheltenham  branch  ;  *  returned  to  Eu¬ 
rope,  took  active  part  in  the  International  and  the  Paris  Commune, 
and  joined  the  Iowa  Icarians  two  or  three  years  after.  He  is  a  man 
of  high  intelligence.  A  number  of  these  members  are  men  of  good 
literary  ability.  They  have  a  small  press,  and  print  a  monthly  paper, 
the  Revue  Icarienne.  They  have  a  shoemaker’s  shop,  but  scarcely 
anything  in  the  industrial  line  besides  their  mill.  They  have  a  fail- 
supply  of  good  agricultural  implements,  and  conduct  their  farming 
about  as  their  neighbors  in  general  do. 

“  If  they  maintain  harmony,  they  can  readily  pay  this  debt  and  im¬ 
prove  their  mode  of  life.  They  are  somewhat  chary  of  admitting  new 
members,  because  they  already  have  men  enough  to  farm  their  land, 
and  they  do  not  feel  able  to  make  their  settlement  an  asylum  for  all 
who  hold  communistic  ideas.  Their  school  is  one  of  the  regular  district- 


*  After  the  death  of-  Cabet  a  few  of  his  adherents,  in  the  quarrel 
at  Nauvoo,  founded  a  short-lived  colony  at  Cheltenham. 


46 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


schools  of  the  county.  It  is  located  between  the  two  communities  and 
patronized  by  both.  The  teacher  at  present  is  a  French  lady,  educated 
in  Cincinnati — an  Icarian  in  her  early  days — and  the  school  is  well 
conducted.  At  the  time  of  the  split  the  library  wras  divided.  Each 
village  has  a  library  of  more  than  one  thousand  volumes,  mainly 
French,  and  containing  the  works  of  the  standard  old  French  authors. 
In  both  communities  newspapers  are  taken  freely,  both  English  and 
French,  and  the  people  seem  more  conversant  with  affairs — especial¬ 
ly  with  European  affairs — than  the  average  American  farmer’s  family. 
Their  family-life  seems  natural  and  affectionate.  Their  life  is  neces¬ 
sarily  plain,  toilsome,  and  monotonous,  but  I  think  it  is  fully  as  agree¬ 
able  and  diversified  as  that  of  isolated  American  farmers.  The  life 
in  the  ‘  New  Icarian  Community  ’  seems  more  genial  and  social  than 
in  the  ‘Icarian  Community.’  At  the  time  of  the  split  a  number  of  in¬ 
dividuals  withdrew,  and  did  not  join  either  party  in  reorganizing. 
Since,  also,  there  have  been  numerous  accessions  and  withdrawals, 
the  latter  preponderating,  especially  in  the  ‘  Icarian  Community.’ 

“The  ‘Icarian  Community,’  according  to  Mr.  Peron,  now  contains 
thirty  souls :  seven  are  men  over  twenty  years ;  five  are  women  over 
eighteen  years ;  eighteen  are  children.  One  man,  Michael  Brumme, 
a  German,  is  about  seventy  years  old.  There  is  one  lady  over  sixty 
years  old.  Both  these  were  Nauvoo  members.  All  the  other  men 
and  women  are  under  forty  years  of  age.  All  are  French  except  two 
Germans  and  one  Spaniard.  There  were  several  other  old  members, 
who  have  withdrawn  within  the  past  two  or  three  years.  They  have 
seven  hundred  and  seventy-two  acres  of  land ;  two  hundred  acres  are 
timber ;  three  hundred  acres  are  seeded  in  clover  or  timothy  grass. 
This  year  they  are  planting  one  hundred  and  twenty  acres  of  corn — 
they  profess  to  believe  in  intensive  agriculture.  They  are  turning  almost 
exclusive  attention  to  stock-raising,  and  all  their  agriculture  is  with 
reference  to  feeding  cattle  and  hogs.  They  have  now  about  ready  for 
the  market  thirty-six  steers  and  seventy-five  hogs.  Altogether  they 
have  about  one  hundred  and  thirty  head  of  cattle,  one  hundred  and  fifty 
hogs,  twenty  horses  and  colts.  They  are  intending  to  raise  sheep,  and 
are  just  beginning  with  a  flock  of  seventy-five,  expecting  to  buy  a 
larger  flock  soon.  They  have  a  productive  vineyard  of  nine  or  ten  acres. 
Last  year  they  made  fifteen  barrels  of  wine ;  they  made  twenty  bar¬ 
rels  the  previous  year.  Last  fall  they  made  seven  or  eight  barrels  of 
cider  and  fifteen  barrels  of  vinegar ;  also  five  barrels  of  sorghum  mo¬ 
lasses,  of  which  they  will  make  ten  barrels  this  year.  They  have  ten 


CABET. 


47 


acres  of  apple  orchard.  They  have  a  blacksmith  shop,  wagon  shop, 
and  shoemaker  shop,  for  their  own  work  exclusively.  They  give  for 
their  financial  report  for  April,  1883,  the  following:  assets,  $30,300; 
liabilities,  $8751.80.  They  estimate  their  real  estate  at  two  thirds 
and  their  stock  at  one  third  their  assets.  They  expect  that  the  hogs 
and  steers  which  they  will  market  in  a  few  days  will  bring  about 
$3700 — about  $3000  of  which  will  be  applied  to  the  debt.  They  pay 
an  average  interest  of  seven  per  cent,  on  their  debt.  They  have  a 
central  hall  similar  to  the  one  already  described.  They  also  have 
eight  frame  houses  like  those  in  New  Icaria.  (The  houses  in  New 
Icaria  were  moved  bodily  from  old  Icaria  when  the  new  settlement 
was  formed,  except  the  hall  and  the  outbuildings.)  A  picturesque  feat¬ 
ure  of  old  Icaria  is  the  dozen  old  log  cabins,  now  used  as  sheds,  etc., 
whioh  were  the  original  homes.  They  are  close  by  the  present  habi¬ 
tations.  For  a  year  or  two  this  community  has  been  seriously  talk¬ 
ing  of  leaving  Iowa.  If  they  can  make  an  advantageous  sale  of 
their  property  they  say  they  would  go.  They  have  prospected  some¬ 
what  in  the  South,  but  have  concluded  that  California  is  the  place 
for  them.  In  the  spring  of  1881  over  a  dozen  persons,  in  five  or 
six  families,  withdrew  from  Icaria  and  moved  to  Sonoma  Co.,  Cali¬ 
fornia,  where  they  bought  eight  hundred  acres  of  land  and  have 
formed  a  commune.  They  are  said  to  be  prospering  as  fruit-grow¬ 
ers.  Icaria  talks  of  joining  them  in  California  with  a  view  to  the  fusion 
of  the  communes.  Peron  (a  prominent  member)  says  they  would 
like  the  climate  better  than  that  of  Iowa,  and  would  also  find  fruit¬ 
growing  more  congenial  than  general  farming.  It  would  give  more 
time  for  mental  culture,  and  would  admit  of  a  more  agreeable  style 
of  living.  The  society  publishes  a  monthly  paper  called  the  Commu- 
nistc-Libertaire — which  is  written  and  printed  by  Peron.  If  there 
had  been  harmony,  and  no  division,  I  think  that  Icaria  would  have 
been  prosperous  to-day — with  perhaps  several  hundred  members.  As 
things  now  stand  it  is  hard  to  foretell  the  fate  of  either  branch.  If 
the  one  goes  to  California,  the  other  may  have  a  slow,  steady  growth 
in  Iowa.  A  good  many  young  people  lack  the  devotion  to  the  princi¬ 
ple  of  communism  necessary  to  keep  them  in  the  society,  and  they 
withdraw  from  time  to  time.  The  difficulty  of  Frenchmen  living  har¬ 
moniously  in  a  commune  seems  the  great  source  of  disaster.  Spite 
of  his  theory  to  the  contrary,  a  Frenchman  has  a  great  deal  of  “  in¬ 
dividualism,”  and  not  a  great  deal  of  patience  and  forbearance.  .  .  . 
It  just  occurs  to  me  to  say  one  thing  more.  The  Icarians  are  good 


48 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


American  citizens.  Cabet  and  all  his  comrades  took  out  naturaliza¬ 
tion  papers,  and  were  all  ardent  abolitionists  !  They  voted  the  first 
Republican  ticket  (Fremont)  in  1856,  and  Mr.  Marchand  tells  me  that 
he  has  voted  for  every  Republican  president  since.  The  “  old  folks  ” 
in  New  Icaria  are  still  solidly  Republican  in  politics ;  but  Mr.  Peron 
and  his  friends  in  the  other  community  have  been  voting  the  Green¬ 
back  ticket  for  a  year  or  two.  They  say  that  it  seems  to  them  that 
the  Greenback  party  represents  the  laboring  classes  in  their  struggle 
against  great  corporate  and  moneyed  monopolies ;  and  it  is  in  the 
spirit  of  agitators  that  they  support  the  Greenback  party,  and  not  so 
much  because  they  expect  anything  definite  from  that  party. 

“  Peron  is  very  brilliant  and  epigrammatic  in  conversation.  ...  He 
is  a  scientist,  a  positivist  philosopher,  an  internationalist,  somewhat 
of  an  avowed  anarchist,  and  a  terrible  proletarian.  In  short,  he  is  a 
character  whose  acquaintance  I  enjoyed  making — Gerard,  Marchand, 
Peron,  Fugier,  Sauva,  and  Bettannier  are  the  sort  of  men  who  figure 
in  French  history  or  in  Hugo’s  novels.  Their  tremendous  individual¬ 
ity  seems  to  me  ill  at  ease  in  an  obscure  little  commune  where,  theo¬ 
retically,  no  man  is  more  than  his  fellow-man.” 

They  are  still  governed  by  the  essential  principles 
of  Cabet’s  constitution,  the  two  leading  ideas  of  which 
are  the  equality  of  all  and  the  brotherhood  of  man. 
They  elect  executive  officers  every  year,  who  are, 
however,  only  empowered  to  execute  the  orders  of 
their  fellow-citizens,  and  may  not  so  much  as  buy  a 
bushel  of  corn  without  being  authorized  to  do  so  by 
the  society.  They  have  no  servants,  and  are  too  poor 
for  the  enjoyment  of  luxuries.  The  directors  buy  the 
goods  needed  by  the  Icarians  twice  a  year  at  whole¬ 
sale.  Each  one  makes  known  his  wants  previous  to 
the  semi-annual  purchases.  Marriage  is  essential  ac¬ 
cording  to  Cabet’s  scheme,*  and  wives  are  highly 

*  “  The  community  adopt  the  institutions  of  marriage  and  the 
family  purified  from  everything  which  injures  and  debases  them. 
Voluntary  celibacy,  when  not  induced  by  any  physiological  reason,  is 
regarded  as  a  transgression  of  natural  laws”  (Arts.  32  and  33  of  the 
“  Icarian  Constitution  ”). 


CABET. 


49 


honored.  Not  only  is  the  strictest  fidelity  enjoined 
upon  the  husbands,  but  they  are  required  to  render 
special  acts  of  homage  to  their  wives.* 

Education  is  valued.  All  children  are  sent  to  school 
till  they  are  sixteen,  and  they  regret  that  their  poverty 
does  not  allow  them  to  give  the  young  a  more  extend¬ 
ed  mental  training. 

As  is  evident,  the  community  has  been  by  no  means 
an  entire  failure,  although  it  has  been  one  of  the  poor¬ 
est  communistic  societies  in  our  country.  The  differ¬ 
ences  which  have  sprung  up  may  possibly  be  benefi¬ 
cial  to  the  cause,  as  they  have  led,  as  has  been  seen, 
to  three  communes  instead  of  one.  At  present,  it  is 
safe  to  say  that  the  only  possible  way  for  communism 
to  succeed  is  to  adopt,  as  the  Icarians  have  done,  the 
communal  or  township  system.  This  affords  room  for 
a  diversity  of  growth  and  the  development  of  at  least 
local  individuality. 

A  gentleman,  learning  that  Mr.  Nordhoff  had  visit¬ 
ed  Icaria,  wrote  to  him  as  follows  :  “Please  deal  gen¬ 
tly  and  cautiously  with  Icaria.  The  man  who  sees 
only  the  chaotic  village  and  the  wooden  shoes,  and 
only  chronicles  those,  will  commit  a  serious  error.  In 
that  village  are  buried  fortunes,  noble  hopes,  and  the 
aspirations  of  good  and  great  men  like  Cabet.  Fer¬ 
tilized  by  these  deaths,  a  great  and  beneficent  growth 
yet  awaits  Icaria.  It  has  an  eventful  and  extremely 
interesting  history,  but  its  future  is  destined  to  be 
still  more  interesting.  It,  and  it  alone,  represents  in 
America  a  great  idea  —  rational  democratic  commu¬ 
nism.” 

A  good  notion  of  Cabet’s  teachings  may  be  ob- 


*  Cf.  “Voyage  en  Icarie,”  p.  137. 
4 


50 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


tained  by  studying  Icaria  and  its  constitution  ;  but, 
if  more  complete  information  is  desired,  it  can  be 
found  in  the  “Voyage  to  Icaria  ” — a  really  fascinating 
book.  His  principles  are  quite  simple,  and  all  centre 
in  the  beneficent  effects  of  equality,  to  which  frater¬ 
nity,  as  understood  by  Cabet,  necessarily  leads.  “  If 
we  are  asked,  ‘  What  is  your  science ?’  we  reply,  ‘Fra¬ 
ternity.’  ‘What  is  your  principle?’  —  ‘Fraternity.’ 
‘What  is  your  doctrine?’ — ‘Fraternity.’  ‘What  is 
your  theory?’ — ‘Fraternity.’  ‘What  is  your  sys¬ 
tem?’ — ‘Fraternity.’  ”  *  But  how  were  people  to  be 
taught  to  practise  communism  ?  how  induce  the  aris¬ 
tocracy  to  renounce  their  privileges  ?  This  was  to  be 
accomplished  by  peaceful  means  alone.  The  apostles 
of  Icarianism  should,  like  Christ,  whose  principles  they 
were  only  carrying  out,  convert  the  world  by  teaching, 
preaching,  writing,  discussing,  persuading,  and  by  set¬ 
ting  good  examples.f  The  wildness  of  his  dreams  is 
shown  by  the  fact  that  he  allowed  fifty  years  for  a 
peaceful  transition  from  our  present  economic  life  to 
communism.  In  the  interval,  various  measures  wxere 
to  be  introduced  by  legislation  to  pave  the  way  to  the 
new  system.  Among  these  may  be  mentioned  com¬ 
munistic  training  for  children,  a  minimum  of  wages, 
exemption  of  the  poor  from  all  taxes,  and  progressive 
taxation  for  the  rich.  But  “the  system  of  absolute 
equality,  of  community  of  goods  and  of  labor,  will  not 
be  obliged  to  be  applied  completely,  perfectly,  uni¬ 
versally,  and  definitely  until  the  expiration  of  fifty 
years.”  J  Ho  one  who  has  studied  the  slow  formation 


*  Quoted  by  B.  Malon,  in  his  “Expose  des  l£coles  Socialistes  Fran- 
;  9aises  (Paris,  1 872),  pp.  104,  105. 
f  “Voyage  to  Icaria,”  p.  563. 


\  Page  358. 


CARET. 


51 


of  social  organizations  could  possibly  hope  for  a  radi¬ 
cal  change  in  so  short  a  period.  Some  are  doubtless 
led  to  such  anticipations  by  noticing  the  rapid  changes 
in  the  commercial  and  industrial  world.  This  is,  it  is 
said,  a  fast  age,  and  in  not  a  few  respects  the  saying 
is  true.  But  man’s  nature  and  society  are  not  chang¬ 
ing  so  rapidly.  It  is  the  mere  externals  of  our  life 
which  change  speedily. 

Cabet’s  political  organization  consists  of  a  demo¬ 
cratic  republic.*  Representatives  and  executives  are 
allowed,  but  they  derive  their  power  from  the' people. 
Those  whom  the  Icarians  choose  to  rule  over  them  pre¬ 
pare  laws  and  regulations  which  are  submitted  to  the 
citizens  for  approval,  provide  amusements,  conduct  in¬ 
dustries  in  large  establishments,  and  divide  the  prod¬ 
ucts  of  common  labor  equally  among  all.  Houses, 
villages,  provinces,  communes,  and  farms  are  as  near¬ 
ly  alike  as  possible.  The  economies  of  common  pro¬ 
duction  enable  all  to  enjoy  every  comfort  and  many 
luxuries.  Elegance  and  beauty  are  encouraged. 

The  only  choice  allowed  in  one’s  clothes  concerns 
their  color  ;  otherwise  all  are  dressed  alike,  save  that 
distinctions  are  made  for  age  and  sex. 

Marriage  and  family  are  held  sacred,  as  might  per¬ 
haps  be  expected  from  the  high  honors  accorded  by 
Cabet  to  the  fair  sex.  Perhaps  his  views  concerning 
the  elevated  position  due  woman  were  influential  in 
drawing  to  him  the  large  number  of  sympathizers  he 
found  among  the  ladies  of  Paris,  who  encouraged  him 
with  kind  words  and  frequent  floral  gifts. 

As  large  an  amount  of  liberty  was  granted  by  the 
Icarians  as  was  practicable.  Work  was  common,  as  has 


*  Vide  p.  37  ct  seqq. 


52 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


been  stated,  but  young  men  and  young  women  were 
allowed  to  choose  their  own  career.  However,  if  there 
existed  a  disproportionate  number  of  applicants  for 
any  particular  trade  or  profession,  competitive  exam¬ 
ination  decided  who  should  be  selected  for  the  said 
pursuit.  The  others  were  obliged  to  make  another 
choice. 

Diligence  and  thrift  were  enjoined  on  all.  Men 
worked  till  sixty-five  years  of  age  and  women  till 
fifty.  The  length  of  a  day’s  labor  was  seven  hours  in 
summer  and  five  in  winter  ;  for  women,  however,  only 
four.  All  labor  ceased  at  1  r.M.  Dirty  and  disagree¬ 
able  work  was  performed  by  machines. 

Science  and  literature  were  held  in  high  esteem  and 
encouraged,  though  publication  was  not  free.  Any 
one  might  write  books,  but  only  those  could  be  print¬ 
ed  whose  publication  had  been  authorized  by  law. 


SAINT-SIMON. 


53 


CHAPTER  IV. 

SAINT-SIMON. 

When  we  turn  from  Baboeuf  and  Cabet  to  Saint- 
Simon  we  discover  a  man  of  a  new  type.  He  differed 
from  his  predecessors  in  aims,  purposes,  and  character. 
We  find  in  him  one  who  did  not  desire  the  dead  and 
uninteresting  level  of  communism,  but  placed  before 
him  as  an  ideal  a  social  system  which  should  more 
nearly  render  to  man  the  just  fruits  of  his  own  indi¬ 
vidual  exertions  than  does  our  present  society. 

Count  Henry  de  Saint-Simon*  was  born  at  Paris  in 
1760.  He  belonged  to  a  noble  family  of  France,  which 
traced  its  origin  to  Charlemagne.  The  family  attained 
distinction  early  in  the  fifteenth  century  through  the 
gallant  conduct  of  one  of  its  members  at  the  battle 
of  Agincourt.  It  divided  into  five  branches  in  the 
seventeenth  century.  The  celebrated  Duke  de  Saint- 
Simon,  author  of  the  “  Memoirs  of  the  Reign  of  Louis 
XIV.  and  of  the  Regency,”  belonged  to  one  branch  ; 
Louis  Francis  de  Saint-Simon,  Marquis  de  Sandri- 
court,  grandfather  of  the  socialist,  to  another.  Among 
the  sons  of  the  marquis  were  Balthasar  Henri,  Maxi- 
milien  Henri,  and  Charles  Francis  Simeon,  of  whom 
the  two  latter  became  distinguished.  Balthasar  Henri 
was  the  father  of  the  subject  of  this  chapter. 


*  An  interesting  account  of  his  life  and  teachings  is  given  in  A.  J. 
Booth’s  “Saint-Simon  and  Saint-Simonism  ”  (London,  1871). 


54  FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 

Although  not  the  grandson  of  the  duke,  as  has  been 
erroneously  supposed,*  Saint-Simon  would  naturally 
have  inherited  his  titles  and  property.  They  were 
lost  to  him,  however,  through  the  quarrel  of  his  father 
with  the  duke.  The  titles  he  lost  were  those  of  a 
grandee  of  Spain  and  a  duke  of  France,  while  the 
property  he  would  have  inherited  yielded  an  annual 
income  of  500,000  francs.  “  I  have  lost  the  titles  and 
the  fortune  of  the  Duke  of  Saint-Simon,”  he  writes, 
“  but  I  have  inherited  his  passion  for  glory.”  This 
was  manifested  in  a  singular  wTay  when  he  was  only 
sixteen  years  of  age.  That  he  might  not  forget  the 
grand  destiny  in  store  for  him,  he  ordered  his  servant 
to  awaken  him  every  morning  with  the  words,  “  Arise, 
Monsieur  le  Comte,  you  have  grand  deeds  to  perform.” 
Saint  -  Simon  had  already  entered  the  army  at  this 
time,  and  the  year  afterwards  went  to  America  and 
fought  in  the  War  of  the  Revolution  under  Washing¬ 
ton.  He  took  part  in  the  siege  of  Yorktown  and 
witnessed  the  surrender  of  Lord  Cornwallis.  lie  dis¬ 
tinguished  himself  for  bravery  on  this  occasion,  and 
received  honorable  recognition  of  his  gallant  con¬ 
duct  from  the  Society  of  the  Cincinnati.  Upon  his 
return  to  France,  he  was  made  colonel  of  the  Regi¬ 
ment  of  Aquitaine  at  the  early  age  of  tw^enty-three. 
But  he  soon  resigned  his  position  and  abandoned  all 
hopes  of  a  military  career,  although  his  prospects 
were  certainly  brilliant.  In  speaking  of  his  sojourn  in 
the  United  States,  he  says  :  “  I  occupied  myself  much 
more  with  political  science  than  military  tactics.  The 
war  in  itself  did  not  interest  me,  but  the  purpose  of 
the  war  interested  me  exceedingly,  and  this  interest 


*  It  is  so  stated  in  the  “  Encyclopcedia  Britannica  ”  and  elsewhere. 


SAINT-SIMON. 


55 


enabled  me  to  endure  its  hardships  without  repug¬ 
nance.  I  desire  the  attainment  of  the  purpose,  I  was 
accustomed  to  say  to  myself,  and  I  ought  not  to  rebel 
against  the  means  thereto.  .  .  .  My  vocation  wTas  not 
that  of  a  soldier ;  I  was  drawn  towards  a  very  differ¬ 
ent,  indeed,  I  may  say,  diametrically  opposite,  kind  of 
activity.  The  life  purpose  which  I  set  before  me  was 
to  study  the  movements  of  the  human  mind,  in  order 
that  I  might  then  labor  for  the  perfection  of  civiliza¬ 
tion.  From  that  time  forward  I  devoted  myself  to 
this  work  without  reserve ;  to  it  I  consecrated  my  en¬ 
tire  life.”  * 

Saint-Simon  was  taken  prisoner  by  the  British  when 
returning  to  France  in  the  Ville  cle  Paris ,  and  carried 
to  Jamaica,  where  he  wTas  detained  until  the  close  of 
the  war.  In  returning  to  Europe  he  visited  Mexico, 
and  there  made  an  attempt  to  carry  out  one  of  the  mag¬ 
nificent  plans  for  the  advancement  of  mankind  which 
he  had  been  revolving  in  his  mind.  He  endeavored 
to  interest  the  viceroy  in  a  project  for  building  a 
canal  to  unite  the  Atlantic  with  the  Pacific.  While 
his  exertions  wrere  unsuccessful,  it  is  interesting  to 
note  that  one  wrho  drew  his  inspiration  largely  from 
Saint-Simon — viz.,  De  Lesseps — may  yet  execute  his 
plan. 

A  few  years  later  Saint-Simon  formed  designs  for 
a  canal  to  connect  Madrid  with  the  sea,  and  might 
possibly  have  succeeded  in  realizing  them,  had  not 
the  French  Revolution  recalled  him  to  France.  He 


*  Vide  Lettres  k  un  Americain,  deuxi&me  Lettre  in  his  “  L’Industrie 
ou  Discussions  Politiqucs,  Morales,  et  Philosophiques,”  tome  ii.  pp.  33, 
34  (Paris,  1817).  Interesting  comparisons  between  America  and  Eu¬ 
rope  are  also  to  be  found  in  the  letters. 


56 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


sided  with  the  people,  although  his  family  traditions 
and  early  training  would  have  led  him  to  connect 
himself  with  the  royalists,  and  although  in  the  strug¬ 
gle  he  lost  the  property  he  had  inherited  from  his 
mother.  He  was  elected  president  of  the  commune 
where  his  property  was  situated,  in  1789,  and  . in  an 
address  to  the  electors  proclaimed  his  intention  to  re¬ 
nounce  the  title  of  count,  since  he  regarded  it  as  in¬ 
ferior  to  that  of  citizen  ;  and  he  refused  another  office 
lest  it  should  be  supposed  he  owed  it  to  his  rank. 
All  this,  however,  did  not  prevent  his  imprisonment 
on  account  of  his  nobility,  which  rendered  him  in  the 
eyes  of  the  terrorists  a  dangerous  character.  He  was 
kept  in  prison,  first  at  St.  Pelagie,  afterwards  at  the 
Luxembourg,  for  eleven  months,  and  was  released 
after  the  Revolution  of  Thermidor.  It  was  at  this 
time  that  his  ancestor  Charlemagne  appeared  to  him 
and  encouraged  him  with  a  prophecy  of  future  great¬ 
ness.  He  describes  the  vision  in  these  words  :  “  At 
the  most  cruel  epoch  of  the  Revolution,  and  during  a 
night  of  my  detention  at  the  Luxembourg,  Charle¬ 
magne  appeared  to  me  and  said  :  4  Since  the  world 
has  existed,  no  family  has  enjoyed  the  honor  of  pro¬ 
ducing  a  hero  and  a  philosopher  of  the  first  rank ; 
this  honor  has  been  reserved  for  my  house.  My  son, 
thy  success  as  a  philosopher  will  equal  mine  as  a  war¬ 
rior  and  politician.’  ” 

IJpon  his  release  from  prison  Saint-Simon  began  to 
speculate  in  the  confiscated  national  lands,  in  order  to 
obtain  money  to  enable  him  to  prosecute  his  plans 
for  the  improvement  of  society.  He  realized  144,000 
francs  from  his  investments,  and  then  retired  from 
business,  as  he  thought  he  had  all  the  property  he 
needed.  He  devoted  the  following  seven  years  to 


SAINT-SIMON. 


57 


preparatory  study,  taking  up  liis  abode  first  in  the 
neighborhood  of  the  £cole  Polytechnique,  afterwards 
near  the  l5eole  de  Medecine.  Physiology  and  the 
physical  sciences  interested  him  chiefly.  What  he 
had  in  view  was  a  science  of  the  sciences,  a  science  to 
classify  facts  derived  from  all  sciences  and  to  unite 
them  into  one  whole ;  and  it  was  from  him  that  his 
scholar,  Auguste  Comte,  derived  the  idea  of  found¬ 
ing  a  universal  science,  as  he  attempted  in  his  “Cours 
de  Philosophic  Positive.”  In  fact  this  work  was  only 
a  development  of  his  “  Systeme  Politique  Positive,” 
which  he,  as  a  scholar  of  Saint-Simon,  wrote  at  the  in¬ 
stance  of  his  master.* 

*  One  finds  in  the  writings  of  Saint-Simon  all  the  fundamental 
ideas  of  Comte’s  philosophy :  the  oneness  of  science ;  its  progress 
from  the  theological  stage  to  positivism — called  by  Saint-Simon  phys- 
icism — accompanying  the  transition  from  the  military  to  the  indus¬ 
trial  regime  ;  the  present  crisis  of  society  due  to  the  fact  that  this  is 
a  transitional  period,  or  disharmony  in  the  material  world  accom¬ 
panying  the  disharmony  in  the  world  of  thought;  the  belief  that 
a  restoration  of  harmony  is  dependent  upon  the  advancement  of 
science,  and  that  social  regeneration  must  be  physico-political ;  the 
subordination  of  knowledge  to  feeling ;  finally,  the  view  that  religion 
of  some  kind  is  indispensable  to  social  progress,  and  that  the  priests 
of  this  religion  must  be  the  rulers  of  the  world.  Indeed,  Comte  did 
not  hesitate  to  acknowledge  more  than  once  his  indebtedness  to 
Saint-Simon  for  his  scientific  impulse,  although  in  later  years  he 
seems  to  have  become  embittered  towards  the  Saint-Simonians  and 
refused  all  credit  to  his  former  teacher.  Comte  was  original  in  so 
far  as  he  expanded  and  developed  what  he  received  from  his  master, 
but  this  does  not  lessen  his  obligation.  This  whole  question,  which 
has  been  much  debated,  is  discussed  in  a  masterly  way  by  John 
Morley  in  his  article  on  Comte  in  the  last  edition  of  the  “  Encyclo¬ 
paedia  Britannica.”  Consult  also  Karl  Hillebrand’s  essay  on  “  Die 
Anfange  des  Socialismus  in  Frankreich  ”  in  Deutsche  Rundschau , 
Bd.  xvii.,  1878,  and  Booth’s  “Saint-Simon  and  Saint-Simonism,”  pp. 
61-81. 


58 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


Saint-Simon  thought  it  necessary  to  add  an  experi¬ 
mental  training  to  his  theoretical  one  in  order  to  pre¬ 
pare  himself  for  his  mission,  and  accomplished  this 
by  living  every  kind  of  life,  from  that  of  the  wealthy 
entertainer  of  savants  to  one  of  poverty  and  dissipa¬ 
tion.  While  this  attempt  to  pass  through  all  the  ex¬ 
periences  and  feelings  of  a  lifetime  in  a  few  years 
was  not  altogether  unsuccessful,  it  was  unfortunate  in 
making  him  prematurely  old. 

Saint-Simon  began  his  career  as  an  author  and  so¬ 
cial  reformer  at  the  age  of  forty-three,  in  1803,  and 
never  abandoned  it  until  his  death  in  1825. 

His  life  was  a  sad  one.  His  property  was  soon  gone, 
and  he  often  worked  at  his  system  while  suffering  the 
direst  want,  but  he  was  sustained  by  the  spirit  of  the 
martyr.  Saint-Simon  endeavored  to  bring  to  pass  the 
happy  future  which  he  believed  possible  for  the  hu¬ 
man  race.  “  The  imagination  of  poets,”  said  he,  “  has 
placed  the  golden  age  at  the  cradle  of  the  human 
race,  amidst  the  ignorance  and  grossness  of  the  ear¬ 
liest  times.  It  had  been  better  to  relegate  the  iron 
age  to  that  period.  The  golden  age  of  humanity  is 
not  behind  us  ;  it  is  to  come,  and  will  be  found  in  the 
perfection  of  the  social  order.  Our  fathers  have  not 
seen  it ;  our  children  will  one  day  behold  it.  It  is 
our  duty  to  prepare  the  way  for  them.” 

Saint-Simon  had  thus  devoted  his  life  to  a  cause 
which  he  held  sacred,  and  he  pursued  it  through  fort¬ 
une  and  misfortune,  through  good  report  and  through 
evil  report.  For  a  time  he  occupied  the  position  of 
copyist  at  a  salary  of  $200  per  annum ;  a  strange 
place  for  a  scion  of  one  of  the  proudest  families  of 
France.  He  copied  nine  hours  a  day,  and  robbed 
himself  of  sleep  in  order  to  develop  his  philosophical 


SAINT-SIMON. 


and  social  system.  His  health  had  begun  to  far 
when  he  was  relieved  from  his  deplorable  sitiu 
by  the  kindness  of  a  man  who  had  been  his  valet  m 
brighter  days.  This  servant,  one  of  the  few  who  nev¬ 
er  lost  faith  in  Saint  -  Simon,  supported  him,  and  as¬ 
sisted  him  in  the  publication  of  his  works.  The 
death  in  1810  of  the  former  valet,  Diard  by  name, 
again  left  Saint-Simon  in  a  wretched  state,  but  he 
continued  his  labors,  and  wrote  two  works,  entitled 
“  Sur  la  Science  de  l’Homme  ”  and  “  Sur  la  Gravita¬ 
tion  Universelle.”  As  he  had  no  means  of  printing 
them,  he  sent  them  in  manuscript  to  various  scientists 
and  other  prominent  men,  with  the  following  letter  : 

“  Sir, — Be  my  saviour.  I  am  dying  of  starvation.  For  fifteen  days 
I  eat  only  bread  and  drink  water ;  I  work  without  a  fire,  and  I  have 
sold  everything  save  my  garments  to  cover  the  expense  of  the  copies. 
It  is  a  passion  for  science  and  the  public  good,  it  is  the  desire  of  dis¬ 
covering  a  means  of  terminating  in  a  peaceable  manner  the  dreadful 
crisis  in  which  I  find  the  entire  European  society  engaged,  that  has 
caused  me  to  fall  into  this  condition  of  distress ;  therefore,  it  is  with¬ 
out  blushing  that  I  am  able  to  confess  my  misery  and  demand  as¬ 
sistance  to  enable  me  to  continue  my  work.” 

This  letter  met  with  no  very  favorable  response, 
though  Cuvier  made  him  a  small  donation  and  others 
showed  a  mild  interest  in  his  welfare.  His  disciples, 
however,  were  afterwards  proud  of  it.  The  follow¬ 
ing  exhortation  follows  its  quotation  in  the  “  Doctrine 
de  Saint-Simon  *  “  Children  of  Saint-Simon  !  genera¬ 
tions  of  the  future  !  guard  as  a  religious  memorial 
these  lines  which  your  father  has  left  you  as  a  sacred 
legacy.  When  his  word  shall  have  renewed  the  face 
of  the  earth,  when  the  doctrine  of  recompense  accord- 


*  “  Premiere  Annee”  (1828-29,  2d  ed.,  Paris,  1830),  pp.  72,  73. 


60 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


ing  to  works  shall  have  been  realized  among  men, 
when  the  last  of  the  living  shall  obtain  from  the  solici¬ 
tude  of  society  a  guaranteed  subsistence,  a  remunera¬ 
tion  in  proportion  to  merits,  children  of  Saint-Simon, 
you  will  then  love  to  repeat  how,  in  order  to  accom¬ 
plish  his  mission  of  regeneration,  your  father  was  re¬ 
duced  to  begging.” 

A  small  pension  was -.finally  granted  Saint-Simon 
by  his  family,  and  he  worked  on  quietly  till  1823, 
but  he  found  little  sympathy  and  encouragement,  and 
for  once  his  courage  deserted  him.  He  was  more 
than  sixty  years  of  age,  his  strength  began  to  de¬ 
crease,  he  was  in  want  of  every  comfort  and  con¬ 
venience  and  lacked  the  support  and  helpful  consola¬ 
tions  of  domestic  life.  In  his  state  of  loneliness  he 
was  filled  with  despair  by  the  thought  that  his  life 
had  been  a  failure,  and  he  resolved  to  put  an  end  to 
his  own  wretched  existence. 

Fortunately,  however,  he  only  succeeded  in  inflict¬ 
ing  severe  but  not  fatal  injuries  upon  himself.  His 
pitiable  condition  appears  to  have  moved  some  kind 
hearts,  for  he  was  cared  for  tenderly  until  he  recov¬ 
ered,  when  he  regained  faith  in  his  mission  and  worked 
more  diligently  than  ever.  In  the  same  year  he  fin¬ 
ished  his  “  Catechisme  des  Industriels,”  and  in  1825, 
the  year  of  his  death,  he  completed  the  “  Nouveau 
Christianisme.”  These  two  works  and  his  “  Systeme 
Industriel,”  published  in  1821-22,  are  his  three  most 
important  productions. 

Perhaps  the  most  celebrated  of  them  all  is  his  last 
work,  the  “Nouveau  Christianisme,”  the  New  Chris¬ 
tianity.  It  was  from  this  that  his  disciples  chiefly 
drew  their  inspiration,  and  it  was  in  this  that  his 
hopes  centred  as  he  lay  on  his  death-bed,  surrounded 


SAINT-SIMON. 


61 


by  his  friends,  Auguste  Comte,  Rodrigues,  and  others. 
Reybaud*  describes  the  last  scene  in  the  following 
manner :  “  Saint-Simon,  feeling  the  approach  of  death, 
assembled  about  his  bed  his  confidants  and  said  to 
them  :  4  For  twelve  days,  my  friends,  I  have  been  oc¬ 
cupied  with  plans  designed  to  assure  the  success  of 
our  enterprise  (a  projected  journal  called  Le  JProduc- 
teur )  ;  for  three  hours,  despite  my  sufferings,  I  have 
been  endeavoring  to  present  to  you  a  resume  of  my 
thoughts.  You  have  arrived  at  a  period  where  by 
your  combined  efforts  you  will  achieve  a  great  suc¬ 
cess  ;  .  .  .  The  fruit  is  ripe  ;  you  are  able  to  gather  it. 
The  last  part  of  my  labors,  the  New  Christianity,  will 
not  be  immediately  understood.  It  has  been  thought 
that  every  religious  system  ought  to  disappear  be¬ 
cause  men  have  succeeded  in  proving  the  weakness 
and  insufficiency  of  Catholicism.  People  are  deceived 
in  this.  Religion  cannot  disappear  from  the  world  ; 
it  can  only  be  changed.  Rodrigues,’  addressing  his 
favorite  scholar, 4  do  not  forget,  but  remember  that  to 
accomplish  grand  deeds  you  must  be  enthusiastic. 
All  my  life  is  comprised  in  this  one  thought ;  to 
guarantee  to  all  men  the  freest  development  of  their 
faculties.’ 

44  He  paused  for  a  few  moments,  then  in  the  final 
struggle  added, 

“  4  Forty-eight  hours  after  our  second  publication 
the  party  of  the  laborers  will  be  formed ;  the  future 
is  ours.’ 

44  After  having  said  these  words,  he  raised  his  hand 
to  his  head  and  died.” 


*  “Etudes  sur  les  Reformateurs”  (7th  ed.,  Paris,  1864),  vol.  i.  pp. 
83,  84. 


62  FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 

There  are  certain  leading  doctrines  in  Saint-Simon’s 
writings,  which  I  will  endeavor  to  present  briefly,  be¬ 
fore  passing  on  to  a  consideration  of  his  followers, 
the  Saint  -  Simonians.  Comparatively  unimportant 
changes  of  opinion  respecting  the  details  of  his  prac¬ 
tical  programme,  as  well  as  other  minor  points,  will 
be  omitted  in  this  presentation. 

We  find  running  through  all  the  writings  of  Saint- 
Simon,  from  his  first  work,  “  Lettres  d’un  Habitant  de 
Geneve,”  to  his  last  one,  the  “  Nouveau  Christianisme,” 
an  aim  and  purpose  which  may  be  considered  the 
leading  feature  of  his  system.  It  is  the  attempt  to 
discover  an  authority  which  shall  rule  the  inner  life 
of  man  as  well  as  his  external  acts.  There  have  been 
powers  which  w'ere  able  to  do  this.  The  Catholic 
Church,  up  to  the  fifteenth  century  and  the  begin¬ 
nings  of  the  Reformation,  was  one.  Since  then,  how¬ 
ever,  it  has  failed  to  embody  in  itself  all  the  advances 
of  science  ;  it  has  consequently  lost  its  hold  on  the 
minds  of  men,  has  declined  in  influence,  and  ceased 
to  be  an  organic  bond  uniting  different  nations  and 
molding  men’s  lives.  The  present  age  is,  therefore, 
critical :  that  is  to  say,  the  preponderating  factors  en¬ 
tering  into  it  are  disintegrating.  This  was  seen  in  the 
French  Revolution,  the  culmination  of  this  period, 
which  was  destructive.  This  critical  period  was  nec¬ 
essary  to  clear  away  hinderances  and  prepare  for  an 
organic  and  constructive  period,  which  ought  now  to 
follow,  since  the  time  is  ripe  for  a  new  social  system 
based  on  universal  association. 

We  are  now  in  a  transitional  stage  which  is  called 
a  crisis.*  The  problem  is  to  terminate  the  crisis. 


*  Vide  “Du  Syst&mc  Industriel  ”  (Paris,  1821),  preface. 


SAINT-SIMON. 


63 


This  can  be  accomplished  only  by  an  advance  in 
knowledge,  accompanied  by  a  passage  from  the  feudal 
and  theological  to  the  industrial  and  scientific  system. 
War  and  industry  occupied  the  Middle  Ages  and  must 
now  be  replaced  by  industry  alone.  Belief,  faith, 
having  lost  its  power,  must  be  replaced  by  knowledge. 
Knowledge  and  industry  are  to  be  united  and  govern 
the  world.  They  are  to  furnish  to  men  the  guidance 
and  leadership  they  need  and  desire. 

Carlyle  said  that  the  poor  laborer  “  would  fain  find 
for  himself  a  superior  that  should  lovingly  and  wise¬ 
ly  govern,”  and  that  the  wish  and  prayer  of  all  human 
hearts  was  “  give  me  a  leader  ;  a  true  leader,  not  a 
false  sham-leader ;  a  true  leader,  that  he  may  guide 
me  on  the  true  way,  that  I  may  be  loyal  to  him,  that 
I  may  swear  fealty  to  him  and  follow  him,  and  feel 
that  it  is  well  with  me.”*  So  thought  Saint-Simon, 
when  he  appealed  to  thinkers  and  workers  to  unite 
and  lead.  He  would  gladly  have  seen  England  and 
France  join  in  this  movement,  believing  that  they 
could  draw  the  other  powrers  into  it. 

What  were  the  specific  objects  of  this  leadership  ? 
What  were  the  functions  of  this  restored  authority  ? 

First,  universal  peace  was  to  be  guaranteed.  For¬ 
merly,  the  Catholic  Church,  in  its  character  of  arbiter 
of  nations,  imposed  a  wholesome  restraint  on  kings, 
and  lessened  the  number  of  wars.  Since  the  decay 
of  belief  it  was  no  longer  possible  for  it  to  accom¬ 
plish  this.  A  European  parliament  composed  of  true 
leaders  must  now  arbitrate  between  nations.  This 
was  ever  a  favorite  theme  of  Saint  -  Simonism,  and 


*  Vide  “Chartism,  Past  and  Present”  (Harper’s  ed.),  pp.  320  and 


345. 


64 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


modern  sentiment  and  agitation  in  favor  of  peace  owe 
more  than  is  generally  known  to  Saint-Simon  and  his 
followers. 

Second,  leadership  is  to  establish  universal  associa¬ 
tion,  guaranteeing  labor  to  all,  and  a  reward  in  propor¬ 
tion  to  services  rendered.  Equality  is  to  be  avoided, 
as  involving  greater  injustice  than  our  present  eco¬ 
nomic  life.  Recompense  in  proportion  to  merit  is  the 
true  maxim.  But  as  all  are  to  be  guaranteed  work, 
all  must  work  either  mentally  or  physically.  In  a 
socially  regenerated  state  there  is  no  room  left  for 
idlers.  An  idler  is  a  parasite  ;  he  devours  what  others 
produce  and  makes  no  return.  Wealthy  idlers  are 
thieves  ;  another  class  of  idlers  consists  of  beggars, 
and  this  last  class  of  do-nothings,  we  are  told  by  Saint- 
Simon,  is  scarcely  less  contemptible  and  dangerous 
than  the  first.*  This  makes  it  sufficiently  evident  that 
the  Saint-Simonians  were  acting  in  the  spirit  of  their 
master  in  proposing  the  abolition  of  inheritance. 

Again,  this  new  society  would  not  be  ascetic,  like 
the  old  Christianity — Saint-Simon’s  kingdom  wras  of 
this  world.  Flesh  and  spirit  both  had  their  rights, 
and  their  harmonious  union  and  development  alone 
formed  the  perfect  man.  Everything  that  was  good 
and  true  and  beautiful  was  to  be  encouraged.  Luther 
is  even  accused  of  heresy  because  he  rejected  art  as  a 
handmaid  of  religion.  The  new  society  is  religious 
and  holy,  and  its  chiefs  are  its  priests. 

Revolution  is  injurious  and  is  not  to  be  looked  to 
as  a  means  of  social  regeneration.  It  is  destructive, 
whereas  a  constructive  power  is  sought. f  Reform 

*  “  L’Industrie,”  tome  ii.  p.  9  (Paris,  1817). 

f  Saint-Simon  again  and  again  protests  against  revolution,  vide 
“Catechismedes  Industriels”  (ed.  1832),  pp.  5,  6,  7,  9,  12,  13,  69,  70. 


SAINT-SIMON. 


05 


must  be  brought  about  by  public  opinion  ;  and  pub¬ 
lic  opinion  is  to  be  enlightened  by  the  printed  and 
spoken  word.  An  appeal  is  made  to  royalty  to  assist 
in  this  noble  work,  as  its  interests  are  at  one  with  the 
industrials,  and  opposed  to  those  of  the  do-nothings. 
In  the  new  state  the  king  is  to  take  the  title  of  the 
“First  Industrial  of  his  kingdom.”* 

While  Saint-Simon  is  not  to  be  made  responsible 
for  all  the  later  extravagance  of  his  school,  it  is  true 
that  authority  is  to  be  found  in  his  works  for  the  fun¬ 
damental  ideas  of  his  followers,  and  even  for  their 
practical  measures  before  the  separation  which  took 
place  between  Enfantin  and  Bazard.  They  were  act¬ 
ing  in  accordance  with  his  dying  instructions  in  or¬ 
ganizing  and  in  preaching  in  behalf  of  labor.  I  am 
unable  to  separate,  as  some  do>  Saint-Simon  from  his 
disciples.  So  long  as  they  were  united  and  moderate 
they  were  carrying  out  consistently  his  teachings. 
They  simply  developed  his  thoughts  and  expressed 
precisely  notions  at  which  he  had  only  hinted  in  vague 
and  indefinite  language. 

The  New  Christianity  was  the  Bible  of  the  Saint- 
Siinonian  religion.  Saint-Simon  held  that  God  had 
founded  the  Christian  Church,  and  that  we  ought  to 
honor  the  Fathers  of  the  Church  with  the  deepest  rev¬ 
erence.  Catholics  and  Protestants  had,  however,  per¬ 
verted  the  only  true  and  valid  Christian  principle,  and 
it  was  this  he  sought  to  restore.  “  In  the  New  Chris¬ 
tianity,”  said  he,  “  all  morality  will  be  derived  imme-  ^ 
diately  from  this  principle  ;  men  ought  to  regard  each 
other  as  brothers.  This  principle,  which  belongs  to 


*  Vide  “  Catecliisrae  des  Industries  ”  (ed.  1832),  pp.  38,  44,  62,  63, 
74,  75. 


5 


66  FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 

primitive  Christianity,  will  receive  a  glorification,  and 
in  its  new  form  will  read  :  Religion  must  aid  society 
in  its  chief  purpose,  which  is  the  most  rapid  improve¬ 
ment  in  the  lot  of  the  poor.”  It  is  thus  that  the  social 
question  becomes  the  essence  of  religion.  This  was 
the  starting-point  of  Saint-Simon’s  disciples,  and  led 
to  the  formation  of  a  Saint  -  Simonian  sect  with  a 
priesthood. 

But  let  us  devote  a  few  moments  to  a  description 
of  the  economic  and  social  organization  proposed  by 
the  Saint  -Simonians,  before  discussing  the  religious 
society  they  founded  to  do  honor  to  the  memory  of 
Saint-Simon,  to  assist  in  carrying  our  their  socialistic 
schemes,  and  to  satisfy  the  yearnings  of  hearts  which 
refused  to  find  satisfaction  and  contentment  in  the 
Christian  Church. 

Saint-Simonism  is  the  first  example  of  pure  socialism, 
by  which  I  understand  an  economic  system  in  which 
production  is  entirely  carried  on  in  common,  and  the 
fruits  of  labor  distributed  according  to  some  ideal  stand¬ 
ard,  which  appears  to  the  promoters  of  the  scheme  just. 
This  standard  will,  of  course,  vary  according  to  the 
subjective  ideas  of  different  socialists.  Any  plan,  to 
be  practicable,  must  necessarily  be  a  compromise  be¬ 
tween  various  views  and  historical  antecedents. 

Another  writer  defines  “  Socialism  Proper  ” — by 
which  he  means  about  what  I  understand  by  Pure 
Socialism  —  as  follows  :  “  It  is  that  system  which 
recognizes  inequality  both  in  the  capacity  and  require¬ 
ments  of  individuals,  and  accordingly  allows  wages  to 
be  proportionate  to  work  done,  and  admits  of  private 
income  along  with  collective  property.”  * 


*  Vide  Kaufmann’s  “Socialism,”  p.  115. 


SAINT-SIMON. 


07 


The  Saint-Simonians  were  led  to  socialism  by  ob¬ 
serving  the  ill  -  regulated  distribution  of  economic 
goods  under  our  present  social  regime.  They  found 
the  idle  surfeited  in  luxuries  and  the  diligent  without 
the  comforts  and  often  without  even  the  necessaries  of 
life,  the  former  enjoying  the  right  to  live  as  parasites 
on  the  fruits  of  the  toil  of  the  busy,  the  latter  enjoy¬ 
ing  the  right  to  choose  between  hard  and  ill -paid 
labor  and  death  by  starvation.  They  were  able  to 
perceive  no  sufficient  connection  between  merit  and 
recompense.  Consequently  the  world  appeared  in  a 
state  of  disharmony  and  they  proposed  to  restore  har¬ 
mony  by  a  new  economic  system. 

It  may  be  as  well  to  state  here  that  political  econo¬ 
mists  are  generally  inclined  to  admit  a  certain  jus¬ 
tice  in  such  complaints  and  only  object  to  socialistic 
schemes  as  impracticable  or  as  involving  still  worse 
evils.  To  show  how  far  a  man  who  holds  a  high  rank  as 
an  orthodox  political  economist  can  go  in  his  objection 
to  the  present  method  of  distributing  economic  goods, 
it  may  be  well  to  cite  a  celebrated  passage  from  John 
Stuart  Mill’s  “  Political  Economy  “  If  the  bulk  of 
the  human  race  are  always  to  remain  as  at  present, 
slaves  to  toil  in  which  they  have  no  interest  and  there¬ 
fore  feel  no  interest — drudging  from  early  morning 
till  late  at  night  for  bare  necessaries  and  with  ail  the 
intellectual  and  moral  deficiencies  which  that  implies 
—  without  resources  either  in  mind  or  feeling  —  un¬ 
taught,  for  they  cannot  be  better  taught  than  fed  ; 
selfish,  for  all  their  thoughts  are  required  for  them¬ 
selves  ;  without  interests  or  sentiments  as  citizens  and 
members  of  society,  and  with  a  sense  of  injustice 
rankling  in  their  minds,  equally  for  what  they  have 
not  and  what  others  have  ;  I  know  not  what  there 


68  FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 

is  which  should  make  a  person  of  any  capacity  of 
reason  concern  himself  about  the  destinies  of  the  hu¬ 
man  race.”*  In  another  place  Mill  says  that  if  the 
institution  of  private  property  necessarily  carried  with 
it  all  the  sufferings  and  injustices  of  the  present  state 
of  society,  and  a  choice  had  to  be  made  between  pri¬ 
vate  property  and  communism,  “  all  the  difficulties, 
great  or  small,  of  communism  would  be  but  as  dust 
in  the  balance.”  f 

Now,  the  Saint-Simonians  believed  it  possible  to 
remedy  these  evils  of  distribution  only  by  the  sub¬ 
stitution  of  state  property  for  private  property.  At 
the  same  time,  they  rejected  any  equal  distribution  of 
labor’s  products,  which  would  give  the  active  and 
energetic  no  more  than  the  slow  and  indolent,  which 
would  treat  alike  the  stupid  clown,  who  was  only  a 
burden  and  a  nuisance,  and  a  great  genius  whose  tal¬ 
ents  increased  the  wealth  and  prosperity  of  the  nation. 
The  Saint-Simonians  held  that  men  were  by  nature 
unequal,  and  that  it  was  right  to  reward  superior 
power,  when  exerted  for  the  general  good.  Their 
idea  was  that  each  one  should  labor  according  to  his 
capacity  and  be  rewarded  according  to  the  services 
rendered.  They  wished  to  organize  civil  society  on 
the  plan  of  an  army.  This  thought  is  distinctly  ex¬ 
pressed  by  one  of  their  leaders  in  these  words :  “  In 
the  army  gradations  in  rank  and  authority  are  al¬ 
ready  established,  while  in  civil  life  that  is  precisely 
what  is  wanting  ;  and  in  an  enterprise  conducted  upon 
the  principle  of  association,  a  central  administration 
is  imperiously  required.”  J  The  officers  are  the  direct- 


*  “  Political  Economy,”  bk.  i.  chap.  xiii.  sec.  1. 
f  Loc.  cit.  bk.  i.  chap.  1.  sec.  3.  %  Quoted  by  A.  J.  Booth. 


SAINT-SIMON. 


69 


ing  authority  in  this  scheme,  and  they  decide  on  the 
value  of  the  services  rendered  to  society  and  reward 
the  citizens  accordingly.  As  society  consists  of  priests, 
savants,  and  industrials  —  the  industrials  comprising 
those  engaged  in  manufactures,  agriculture,  and  com¬ 
merce  * — so  the  government  consists  of  the  chiefs  of  the 
priests,  the  chiefs  of  the  savants,  and  the  chiefs  of  the 
industrials.  All  property  belongs  to  the  church,  i.  e.y 
to  the  state,  and  every  profession  or  trade  is  a  religious 
exercise  and  has  its  rank  in  the  social  hierarchy,  f 

It  is  not  clearly  stated  how  the  ruling  body  wTas 
to  be  selected,  whether  by  popular  vote  or  otherwise. 
The  idea  of  the  Saint-Simonians  seems  to  have  been, 
however,  that  the  good  and  wise,  the  best,  would  be 
voluntarily  and  without  dissension  selected  as  leaders 
— an  idea  scarcely  warranted  by  the  world’s  experi¬ 
ence  with  universal  suffrage. 

The  Saint-Simonians  necessarily  rejected  inheritance 
from  their  scheme,  as  they  regarded  idlers  as  thieves, 
and  wished  each  one  to  be  rewarded  only  in  accord¬ 
ance  with  his  own  individual  merits.  All  should  start 
with  equal  advantages  and  only  avail  themselves  of 
nature’s  inequalities,  i.  e .,  superior  talents.  Christ’s 
command  was  “  Away  with  slavery  !”  Saint-Simon’s, 
“Away  with  inheritance!”  Property  now  inherited 
would  naturally  become  common  property  in  the  new 
society. 

The  Saint-Simonians  were  accused  in  the  Chamber 
of  Deputies  of  advocating  community  of  goods  and 
community  of  wives.  They  defended  themselves  in 
a  brochure  dated  October  1,  1830,  which  it  is  worth 


*  Vide  “Cateehisme  des  Industrials, ”  p.  2. 
f  Reybaud,  vol.  i.  pp.  82,  83. 


70 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


while  to  quote,  as  it  gives  their  ideas  on  these  two 
important  subjects :  * 

“Yes,  without  doubt,  the  Saint-Simonians  profess 
peculiar  views  regarding  property  and  the  future  of 
women,  as  well  as  concerning  religion,  power,  liberty, 
and,  finally,  concerning  all  the  great  problems  which 
are  agitated  so  violently  in  Europe  to-day.  But  these 
are  very  different  from  those  ascribed  to  them.  The 
system  of  community  of  goods  means  a  division  among 
all  the  members  of  society,  either  of  the  means  of 
production  or  of  the  fruits  of  the  toil  of  all. 

“  The  Saint-Simonians  reject  this  equal  division  of 
property,  which  would  constitute  in  their  eyes  a  more 
reprehensible  act  of  violence,  a  more  revolting  injus¬ 
tice,  than  the  present  unequal  division,  which  was  ef¬ 
fected  in  the  first  place  by  the  force  of  arms,  by  con¬ 
quest. 

“  For  they  believe  in  the  natural  inequality  of  men, 
and  regard  this  inequality  as  the  very  basis  of  asso¬ 
ciation,  as  the  indispensable  condition  of  social  order. 

“They  reject  the  system  of  community  of  goods, 
for  this  would  be  a  manifest  violation  of  the  first  of 
all  the  moral  laws  which  it  is  their  mission  to  teach — 
viz.,  that  in  the  future  each  one  should  rank  according 
to  his  capacity  and  be  rewarded  according  to  his  works. 

“  But  in  virtue  of  this  law  they  demand  the  aboli¬ 
tion  of  all  privileges  of  birth,  without  exception,  and 
consequently  the  destruction  of  inheritance,  the  chief 
of  these  privileges,  which  to-day  comprehends  all  the 
others,  and  the  effect  of  which  is  to  leave  to  chance 
the  distribution  of  social  privileges  among  a  small 


*  Taken  from  Reybaud,  loc.  cit.  vol.  i.  pp.  105-7.  The  translation 
is  abridged  in  places. 


SAINT-SIMON. 


71 


number,  and  to  condemn  the  most  numerous  class  to 
deprivation,  to  ignorance,  to  misery. 

“  They  demand  that  land,  capital,  and  all  the  instru¬ 
ments  of  labor  should  become  common  property,  and  be 
so  managed  that  each  one’s  portion  should  correspond 
to  his  capacity  and  his  reward  to  his  labors.  .  .  .  Chris¬ 
tianity  has  released  woman  from  servitude  but  has  con¬ 
demned  her  to  religious,  political,  and  civil  inferiority. 
The  Saint  -  Simonians  have  announced  her  emanci¬ 
pation,  but  they  have  not  abolished  the  sacred  law  of 
marriage,  proclaimed  by  Christianity.  On  the  con¬ 
trary,  they  give  a  new  sanctity  to  this  law. 

“  Like  the  Christians,  they  demand  that  one  man 
should  be  united  to  one  woman,  but  they  teach  that 
the  wife  ought  to  be  the  equal  of  the  husband,  and 
that,  in  accordance  with  the  particular  grace  given  to 
her  sex  by  God,  she  ought  to  be  associated  with  him 
in  the  triple  function  of  temple,  state,  and  family,  in 
such  a  manner  that  the  social  individual  which  has 
hitherto  been  man  alone  should  hereafter  be  man  and 
woman.* 

“  The  religion  of  Saint-Simon  is  to  put  an  end  to  this 
legal  prostitution  which,  under  the  name  of  marriage, 
consecrates  frequently  to-day  a  monstrous  union  of 
devotion  and  egoism,  of  intelligence  and  ignorance,  of 
youth  and  decrepitude.” 

The  leaders  of  the  Saint-Simonian  religion  were  En- 
fantin  and  Bazard,  the  Supreme  Fathers.  Rodrigues 
had  been  chosen  by  Saint-Simon  as  his  successor,  but 
he  generously  ceded  his  position  to  them  as  his  supe¬ 
riors,  in  accordance  with  the  rule  that  rank  should  be 
the  measure  of  capacity. 


*  i.  e.  one  unit — man- woman. 


12 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


The  new  faith  gained  a  large  number  of  adherents 
after  the  Revolution  of  July,  1830.*  Some  of  these 
became  prominent  afterwards,  some  of  them  were 
then  men  of  wealth  and  importance.  The  best  known 
are  perhaps  Buchez,  who  wrote  a  “  Parliamentary 
History  of  the  Revolution,”  and  was  President  of  the 
Constituent  Assembly  of  1830 ;  Laurent,  a  distin¬ 
guished  author  and  professor  ;  Michel  Chevalier,  a 
civil  engineer,  since  celebrated  as  a  writer  and  a  po¬ 
litical  economist ;  Barrault,  professor  of  literature  at 
the  College  of  Soreze,  a  dramatic  author  of  distinc¬ 
tion,  some  of  whose  plays  had  been  performed  at  the 
Theatre  Fran9ais,  and  an  orator  of  remarkable  elo¬ 
quence  ;  Fournel,  wdio  had  studied  at  the  Polytechnic 
and  afterwards  made  a  name  as  an  engineer  ;  Adolphe 
Blanqui,  who  became  an  orthodox  political  economist, 
and  wrote  a  “  History  of  Political  Economy,”  and 
Pierre  Leroux,f  who  at  a  later  period  became  the  ex¬ 
ponent  of  Humanitarianism,  a  kind  of  Saint-Simon- 
ism  modified  and  tinctured  with  Hegelian  philosophy, 
and  under  wdiose  influence  several  of  Madame  Sand’s 
works,  as  “  Consuelo  ”  and  “  La  Comtesse  de  Rudol- 
stadt,”  were  written.  Other  men  of  more  or  less  note, 
bankers,  lawyers,  merchants,  and  particularly  all  kinds 
of  engineers,  joined  them.  The  ficole  Poly  technique 
was  ever  their  stronghold.  De  Lesseps,  an  engineer 
who  has  disturbed  the  peace  of  many  Americans,  was 
also  for  a  time  connected  with  them. 

Enfantin  was,  indeed,  a  strange  man.  It  is  scarcely 
comprehensible  what  could  have  given  him  such  power 

*  Perhaps  there  is  no  better  authority  than  Louis  Blanc  concern¬ 
ing  the  activity  of  the  Saint-Simonians  at  this  time.  Cf.  his  “  His- 
toire  de  Dix  Ans,”  tome  vii.  ch.  xxv.  (ed.  Bruxelles,  1843-44). 

t  His  principal  work  is  “De  L’Humanit6,”  published  in  1840. 


SAINT-SIMON. 


73 


over  men  of  ability,  learning,  wealth,  and  shrewd  busi¬ 
ness  capacity.  In  commenting  upon  this  circumstance, 
Mr.  Booth  says  :  “  He  ruled  despotically  over  their 
lives  and  thoughts  ;  he  induced  them  ...  to  lead  an 
ascetic  life  ;  he  withdrew  them  from  refined  society, 
and  forced  them  to  share  in  the  coarsest  toil ;  he  com¬ 
pelled  them  to  undergo  the  humiliation  of  public  con¬ 
fessions,  and  he  received  from  them  the  honors  and 
the  reverence  accorded  to  a  divine  teacher.  Yet  his 
intellectual  powers  were  inferior  to  those  possessed 
by  some  of  his  disciples.”  .  .  .  However,  “  his  views 
were  noble  and  generous  and  he  advocated  them  with 
all  the  sincerity  of  genuine  enthusiasm  and  the  bold¬ 
ness  of  matchless  self-confidence.  It  was  natural  that 
they  should  fascinate  young  men  of  an  ardent  tem¬ 
perament,  who  burned  with  a  chivalrous  desire  to 
redress  the  evils  of  the  world.  They  were  readily 
charmed  by  a  prophet  whose  countenance  was  re¬ 
markable  for  its  dignity  and  repose,  and  whose  affec¬ 
tionate  disposition  inspired  them  with  boundless  con¬ 
fidence  and  fervor.  It  must  be  admitted  also  that 
both  his  religious  and  political  opinions  contained  a 
large  amount  of  truth  ;  but  his  vanity  has  invested 
them  with  an  appearance  of  absurdity,  for  he  delighted 
in  fantastic  dresses,  in  solemn  processions,  and  impos¬ 
ing  ceremonies  ;  and  he  exposed  himself  to  the  ridi¬ 
cule  of  the  world  by  permitting  his  disciples  to  speak 
to  him  of  the  majesty  of  his  countenance  and  the  di¬ 
vine  brightness  of  his  smile.”  *  An  absent  follower 
writes  to  the  father,  le  Pere,  as  they  called  him,  from 
Corsica  :  “  The  kiss  of  my  father  will  give  me  power, 
and  his  eloquent  voice  ;  I  have  every  confidence  in 


*  Pages  102,  103. 


74 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


my  father,  for  I  am  sure  that  he  knows  his  children 
better  than  they  know  themselves  ;  why  do  I,  never¬ 
theless,  tremble  in  going  to  him  ?”  Other  expressions 
addressed  to  the  father  are  too  absurd,  extravagant, 
and  impious  to  be  quoted.  Once,  indeed,  Enfantin  re¬ 
buked  the  homage  of  his  disciples  with  the  words : 
“  No  one  of  us  is  God  :  I  am  only  a  man.” 

The  Saint  -  Simonians  in  an  early  stage  of  their 
proselytism  formed  a  “  Sacred  College  of  Apostles,” 
consisting  of  six  leaders.  These  chiefs  were  Enfantin, 
Bazard,  Buchez,  Rodrigues,  Laurent,  and  Rouen.  The 
younger  and  less  influential  disciples  were  organized  as 
a  subordinate  order.  They  established  missions  and 
bishoprics  in  Toulouse,  Montpellier,  Soreze,  Lyons,  in 
fact,  in  all  parts  of  France,  and  also  carried  the  new 
gospel  to  foreign  lands,  as  Belgium  and  Algeria.  Paris 
was  divided  into  twelve  districts  and  a  male  and  a 
female  missionary  sent  into  each  part.  They  propa¬ 
gated  their  faith  by  numerous  lectures  and  by  the 
press.  One  of  their  organs  was  called  the  Globe  ;  its 
mottoes  were:  “  Religion,  Science,  Industry,  Univer¬ 
sal  Association. 

“  The  purpose  of  all  social  institutions  ought  to  be 
the  intellectual,  moral,  and  physical  amelioration  of 
the  poorest  and  most  numerous  class. 

“All  privileges  of  birth,  without  exception,  are  abol¬ 
ished. 

“  To  each  one  according  to  his  capacity ;  to  each 
capacity  according  to  its  works.” 

These  mottoes  are  a  good  resume  of  their  ideas. 

The  Saint-Simonians  considered  it  necessary  first  to 
distinguish  themselves  in  marked  manner  by  wearing 
a  peculiar  costume,  afterwards  to  separate  themselves 
from  the  world  by  retiring  to  a  sort  of  monastery. 


SAINT-SIMON. 


75 


Their  costume  consisted  of  blue  cloth.  Bazard  and 
Enfantin  wore  light  blue,  the  other  adherents  a  darker 
shade,  according  to  rank,  the  lowest  members  of  the 
hierarchy  being  clad  in  royal  blue.  At  a  later  period 
a  still  more  peculiar  costume  was  adopted,  which  em¬ 
braced  a  waistcoat  so  contrived  that  no  one  could 
either  put  it  on  or  take  it  off  without  assistance  ;  and 
this  symbolized  the  dependence  of  man  upon  his 
fellow-man. 

In  1831  a  schism  took  place  in  the  Saint-Simonian 
church.  Enfantin’s  views  regarding  love  and  mar¬ 
riage  were  becoming  constantly  less  and  less  ortho¬ 
dox.  His  belief  in  the  substantial  correctness  of  the 
impulses  of  the  flesh  led  him  to  advocate,  first,  divorce, 
then  views  which  can  fairly  be  called  free -love.  In 
this  he  departed  widely  from  the  doctrines  of  the  earlier 
and  purer  Saint-Simonism.  A  violent  controversy  fol¬ 
lowed  the  announcement  of  Enfantin’s  later  opinions. 
The  debates  lasted  day  and  night  for  some  time.  They 
were  all  terribly  in  earnest.  Young  men  were  borne 
from  the  room  unconscious  and  some  even  lost  their 
reason.  The  matter  did  not  terminate  until  Bazard 
and  a  large  number  of  disciples,  including  Mde. 
Bazard,  M.  Fournel  and  his  wife,  and  Pierre  Leroux, 
withdrew  from  the  association.  To  the  credit  of  the 
women  connected  with  the  Saint-Simonians,  it  should  v 
be  stated  that  not  one  of  them  remained  with  En¬ 
fantin. 

Enfantin  and  Bazard  had  been  the  two  fathers,  and 
in  their  assemblies  Bazard  had  had  a  seat  beside  En¬ 
fantin.  His  chair  was  left  vacant,  as  an  appeal  to 
some  female  Messiah  to  come  forward  and  occupy  it, 
and  form  together  with  Enfantin  the  couple-pretre ,  the 
true  priest  man-woman.  As  man  and  woman  together 


76 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


formed  one  unit,  the  supreme  priesthood  could  only 
be  perfect  when  composed  of  both.  Enfantin’s  beauty 
and  wonderful  magnetism  appear  to  have  attracted  nu¬ 
merous  candidates,  but  the  right  one  never  appeared. 
The  perfect  priest  remained  an  unrealized  dream. 

After  the  schism  Enfantin  and  a  number  of  his  dis¬ 
ciples  decided  to  come  out  from  the  world,  and  for 
this  purpose  retired  to  Menilmontant,  where  Enfantin 
owned  a  house  surrounded  by  a  large  garden.  Here 
forty  or  fifty  of  the  faithful  led  a  most  strange  life. 
It  was  one  of  severe  asceticism.  Husbands  separated 
from  their  wives  for  the  sake  of  their  religion,  after 
they  had  assumed  the  monastic  dress.  Sometimes 
the  wives  shared  the  enthusiasm  of  the  disciples  ; 
sometimes  they  murmured.  One  of  them,  who  finds 
the  trial  a  hard  one  and  yet  appreciates  her  husband’s 
motives,  writes  to  him  :  “On  Wednesday,  I  shall  see 
you  assume  the  dress  of  an  apostle,  and  then  I  can 
give  you  but  a  sisterly  kiss.  I  will  endeavor  to  col¬ 
lect,  all  my  strength  to  hear  you  renounce  me  as  a 
wife  and  your  Amelia  as  child.  Such  a  proceeding 
requires  an  energy  which  I  trust  I  shall  possess.  Re¬ 
ceive  the  tender  farewell  of  her  who  will  soon  no 
longer  be  able  to  subscribe  herself  —  your  Amelia.” 
To  a  friend  she  writes  :  “  I  am  sensible  of  the  aims 
to  which  his  noble  and  generous  heart  leads  him,  when 
he  separates  himself  from  me.  This  knowledge  is 
sufficient  for  me  to  accept  the  sacrifice,  and,  after  all, 
what  is  my  grief,  what  are  my  tears,  when  the  en¬ 
franchisement  of  the  world  is  concerned  ?” 

As  they  held  the  performance  of  labor  to  be  a  re¬ 
ligious  act,  they  employed  no  servants,  and  at  Menil¬ 
montant  you  might  have  been  edified  by  the  sight  of 
a  man  scrubbing  the  floor,  who  has  since  attained  a 


SAINT-SIMON. 


77 


world-wide  fame.  They  were  generally  cheered  in 
their  work  by  music.  Another  part  of  their  creed  laid 
stress  upon  mental  development,  and  we  find  at  the 
monastery  instruction  given  in  astronomy,  geology, 
physical  geography,  music,  and  civil  engineering.  Any 
one  might  well  be  proud  to  have  had  such  instructors 
as  those  who  taught.  To  mention  only  one,  the  teacher 
of  music  was  David,  the  composer  of  the  operas 
“  Lalla  Rookli,”  “  Desert,”  and  “  Herculanum.” 

It  is  not  necessary  in  this  place  to  describe  the 
strange  and  fantastic  life  by  which  the  apostles  en¬ 
deavored  to  attain  a  more  elevated  spiritual  state, 
reverencing  Saint-Simon  and  Enfantin  as  sacred  mes¬ 
sengers  of  God.  They  were  finally  dispersed  by 
dissensions,  the  desire  of  some  to  return  to  their  fam¬ 
ilies,  financial  difficulties,  and  external  persecution. 
Enfantin  and  Chevalier  were  imprisoned  for  holding 
illegal  assemblies.  The  faith,  however,  continued  to 
prosper  for  a  few  years,  and  missionaries  were  still 
sent  out  to  teach  the  New  Christianity.  One  of  the 
latest  expeditions  was  headed  by  Enfantin  himself 
after  his  release  from  prison.  Its  aim  was  to  con¬ 
nect  the  Red  Sea  with  the  Mediterranean.  De 
Lesseps  was  associated  with  them  in  this,  but  he 
finally  separated  from  them,  as  they  could  not  agree 
upon  the  engineering  plans.  Enfantin  and  other 
Saint-Simonians  continued  to  advocate  the  project  and 
scouted  Stephenson’s  assertion  that  it  was  impossible. 
This  may  seem  at  first  like  strange  missionary  work, 
but  it  does  not,  when  you  remember  that  to  them  all 
labor  for  the  advancement  of  humanity  was  sacred. 

It  is  owing  to  Enfantin’s  persistent  endeavors  that  the  -- 
Suez  Canal  was  built.  When  Enfantin  heard  that  De 
Lesseps  was  going  on  with  the  canal  alone,  it  was 


78 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


thought  that  he  might  feel  injured.  He  exhibited, 
however,  a  truly  noble  spirit,  and  simply  remarked 
that,  “  Provided  the  work  which  I  have  brought  into 
notice,  and  caused  to  be  studied  as  highly  useful  to 
the  moral  and  material  interests  of  humanity,  be 
executed,  I  will  be  the  first  to  bless  him  by  whom 
it  is  executed.  Undoubtedly,  it  is  but  just  that 
posterity  should  know  that  the  initiation  of  that  gi¬ 
gantic  enterprise  was  taken  by  those  whom  the  Old 
World  could  recognize  only  as  Utopists,  dreamers,  or 
fools.”  * 

The  Saint-Simonians  never  reunited  after  the  Egyp¬ 
tian  expedition.  A  considerable  number  were  able  to 
make  themselves  useful  in  that  country  on  account  .of 
their  engineering  skill.  Mehemet  Ali,  the  viceroy, 
recognized  their  talents  and  employed  them  in  numer¬ 
ous  ways.  One  received  a  commission  to  found  a  Poly¬ 
technic  School  at  Cairo,  another  was  placed  at  the  head 
of  a  school  of  artillery,  two  others  were  appointed  pro¬ 
fessors  in  the  school  at  Kauka,  and  several  medical 
men  received  positions  in  the  hospital.  David  de¬ 
lighted  the  Alexandrians  with  concerts,  and  Barrault 
charmed  them  by  his  eloquent  lectures.  An  Egyp¬ 
tian  paper  declared  of  Barrault  that  “  Alexandria,  since 
the  best  days  of  its  glory,  has  never  heard  within  its 
walls  a  voice  so  eloquent  or  a  poetry  of  language  so 
harmonious.”  f 

The  most  of  these  Saint  -  Simonians  returned  to 
France,  and,  like  many  of  their  former  associates  who 
had  not  left  their  native  soil,  acquired  positions  of 
prominence  and  influence. 

Enfantin  himself  received  a  post  as  director  of  the 


*  Quoted  by  Booth. 


f  Ibid. 


SAINT-SIMON. 


79 


Lyons  Railway  and  became  wealthy.  He  never  lost 
faith  in  Saint-Simonism,  but  thought  that  as  much  had 
been  done  for  the  system  as  was  then  possible,  since 
its  doctrines  had  been  proclaimed  far  and  near,  and 
were  slowly  leavening  the  mass  of  society. 

Many  of  the  principles  taught  by  the  Saint-Simonians 
must  receive  our  hearty  approbation.  We  sympathize 
with  their  endeavors  to  improve  the  lot  of  the  poor 
and  oppressed,  and  assent  to  them  wThen  they  preach 
the  dignity  and  sacredness  of  labor,  the  reverence  due 
woman,  and  the  duty  of  maintaining  peace  between 
nation  and  nation.  When  Chevalier  proposes  that  the 
armies  of  Europe,  “  instead  of  being  applied  to  the 
destruction  of  property  and  life,  should  be  employed 
upon  works  of  public  utility,”*  we  are  reminded  that 
the  coming  of  a  time  has  been  prophesied  when 
“  nations  shall  beat  their  swords  into  ploughshares, 
and  their  spears  into  pruning-hooks  ;  nation  shall  not 
lift  up  sword  against  nation,  neither  shall  they  learn 
war  any  more.”  f 

Saint-Simon  has  ceased  to  be  the  prophet  of  a  re¬ 
ligious  school,  but  he  did  not  sacrifice  life  and  happi¬ 
ness  in  vain.  He  still  lives  in  the  lives  and  actions 
of  men,  and  to-day  possesses  an  historical  importance 
which  has  been  well  expressed  in  these  words  : 

“  Saint-Simon  first  taught  us  to  consider  the  history 
of  labor  and  property  as  an  essential  element  of  hu¬ 
man  development,  and  consequently  to  investigate 
the  history  of  society. 

“  He  first  discerned  clearly  the  separation  of  the  two 
great  classes  of  industrial  society,  and  implanted  bitter 
hatred  in  the  consciousness  of  the  lower  classes.  Saint- 


*  Quoted  by  Booth,  p.  170. 


f  Isaiah  ii.  4. 


80  FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 

Simon’s  word  that  the  party  of  the  laborers  would  be 
formed,  has  been  fulfilled.  Saint-Simonism  is  the  first 
expression  of  the  proletariat. 

“  He  first  represented  social  reform  as  the  only  true 
function  of  government. 

“  Finally,  he  first  brought  forward  the  question  of 
inheritance,  the  question  upon  which  the  entire  future 
of  the  social  form  of  Europe  will  rest  during  the  next 
two  generations. 

“  Thus  through  Saint-Simon  is  society,  in  its  power, 
its  elements,  and  its  contradictions,  for  the  first  time 
half  understood,  half  vaguely  conjectured.  He  is  the 
boundary  of  a  new  era  in  France.  He  left  the  beaten 
track  and  laid  down  his  life  in  discovering  and  open¬ 
ing  for  society  a  new  path.  In  it  we  have  as  yet 
taken  only  a  few  steps,  and  no  human  eye  is  able  to 
discern  the  goal  whither  we  are  tending.”  * 


*  Vide  Lorenz  von  Stein,  “Geschichte  der  Socialen  Bewegung  in 
Frank reich  ”  (Leipzig,  1850),  Bd.  ii.  SS.  226,  227.  The  translation  is 
abridged  and  is  rather  free  in  places. 


FOURIER. 


81 


CHAPTER  V. 

FOURIER. 

In  his  “Social  Movements  in  France”*  Lorenz 
von  Stein  uses  these  words,  in  comparing  Saint-Simon 
and  Fourier  :  “While  Saint-Simon  was  sacrificing  his 
life  in  Paris  in  his  efforts  to  attain  an  unknown  and 
only  vaguely  conjectured  goal,  and  while  his  school 
was  struggling  against  foes  from  within  and  without, 
there  lived  in  another  part  of  France  a  man  who, 
without  knowing  Saint-Simon,  was  taking  an  essential¬ 
ly  different  route  towards  the  same  goal.  This  man 
was  Charles  Fourier.  .  .  .  Never  has  any  land  at  the 
same  time  produced  two  men  of  such  importance  in 
the  history  of  society.”  f 

These  two  men  together  constitute  one  whole. 
Each  was  required  as  a  complement  of  the  other. 
The  one  started  in  his  career  as  a  man  of  wealth  and 
social  eminence,  the  other  as  a  man  of  the  people. 
The  one  observed  society,  studied  its  history,  its  de¬ 
velopment,  and  sought  to  find  therein  a  clew  to  guide 
him  in  his  work  of  regenerating  the  world,  morally 
and  economically  ;  the  other,  regarding  the  past  as 
such  a  series  of  blunders  as  to  afford  no  proper  basis 
for  future  formations,  searched  the  depths  of  his  own 

*  Bd.  ii.  S.  228. 

f  That  is,  of  so  much  importance  to  one  writing  or  studying  the 
history  of  social  movements. 


G 


82 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


consciousness,  and  discovered  a  law  which  furnished 
premises,  enabling  him  to  construct  deductively  an 
ideal  and  perfect  society,  and  to  explain  with  mathe¬ 
matical  accuracy  the  past,  present,  and  future  of  the 
entire  universe. 

Saint-Simon  was  a  man  of  impulse  and  feeling  ; 
Fourier  was  a  man  of  the  understanding  and  logic. 
The  former  founded  a  religion  ;  the  latter  a  science. 

Charles  Fourier  was  born  in  1772  in  Besan£on.  He 
came  of  an  ordinary  family  and  represented  the  mid¬ 
dle-class.  His  father  was  a  cloth-merchant  in  his  na¬ 
tive  city,  and  he  himself  spent  the  greater  part  of  his 
life  in  mercantile  pursuits  of  one  kind  or  another. 
Fourier  seems  to  have  been  a  bright  boy,  for  when 
only  eleven  years  of  age  he  took  prizes  for  excellence 
in  French  and  Latin.  He  liked  the  study  of  geography, 
spending  a  considerable  part  of  his  pocket-money  for 
maps  and  globes,  and  was  passionately  fond  of  music 
and  flowers.  It  is  said  that  he  was  himself  a  good 
musician.  His  mechanical  ability  was  remarkable 
enough  to  attract  attention  at  an  early  period  in  his 
life.  As  a  commercial  traveller  he  visited  Germany 
and  Holland,  and  was  thus  able  to  gratify  his  desire 
to  see  the  world.  Upon  the  death  of  his  father,  he  in¬ 
herited  about  one  hundred  thousand  francs  at  an  early 
age,  invested  the  money  in  foreign  trade,  and  lost  it  in 
the  siege  of  Lyons  in  1793,  during  the  Reign  of  Terror, 
when  his  bales  of  cotton  were  used  to  form  barricades 
and  his  provisions  to  feed  the  soldiers.  But  Fourier’s 
misfortunes  did  not  end  here.  He  was  taken  prisoner, 
and  kept  in  confinement  for  some  time,  expecting  daily 
to  be  led  forth  to  execution.  Release, however,  enabled 
him  to  join  the  army,  for  which  he  had  some  taste. 
It  is,  indeed,  stated  that  he  was  able  to  make  sugges- 


FOURIER. 


83 


tions  concerning  military  operations  which  were  fol¬ 
lowed  to  advantage  by  his  superiors.  But  ill-health 
obliged  him  to  retire  from  the  army  at  the  expiration 
of  two  years,  and  return  to  a  business  life. 

Fourier  was  never  greatly  prospered,  nor  did  he 
ever,  so  far  as  I  know,  give  evidence  of  ability  to 
achieve  a  large  amount  of  worldly  success.  In  this 
he  was  unlike  almost  every  other  great  communist  or 
socialist.  However,  it  must  be  acknowledged  that  his 
mind  was  from  childhood  engaged  with  other  thoughts 
than  the  means  of  acquiring  wealth,  so  that  we  are 
scarcely  in  a  position  to  say  what  he  might  have  done 
in  this  direction  if  he  had  devoted  himself  heartily  to 
business.  It  is  certain  that  to  him  the  words  idler  and 
bungler  do  not  apply,  and  that  he  had  no  desire  to  fork 
out  his  penny  and  pocket  another’s  shilling.  On  the 
contrary,  it  was  to  give,  and  not  receive,  that  he  de¬ 
sired.  This  trait  of  all  large  souls  was  manifested  in 
a  touching  way  when  he  was  a  small  boy.  There  came 
one  morning  to  the  door  of  his  father’s  house  a  poor 
cripple,  asking  if  little  Charles  was  ill.  When  he  was 
told  that  Charles  was  not  ill,  but  had  left  the  city,  he 
burst  into  tears.  Inquiry  disclosed  the  fact  that  while 
on  his  way  to  school,  and  without  the  knowledge  of 
others,  the  little  fellow  had  every  day  given  half  of 
his  lunch  to  the  poor  man. 

Two  events  occurring  to  Fourier  in  early  life  led 
him  to  a  train  of  thought  which  ended  in  his  con¬ 
demnation  of  the  economic  organization  of  society  as 
a  disastrous  failure. 

When  he  was  five  years  of'  age  he  proved  himself 
an  enfant  terrible  by  telling  the  truth  in  an  innocent 
and  childlike  manner  to  some  customers,  about  certain 
goods  in  his  father’s  shop ;  and  for  this  he  was  punished. 


84 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


The  falsehood  which  his  father  or  some  person  con¬ 
nected  with  the  shop  was  accustomed  to  tell  the  cus¬ 
tomers  appears  to  have  been  one  of  the  kind  common 
in  some  parts  of  the  mercantile  world,  and  which 
many  might  to-day  regard  as  not  very  sinful — as  not 
worse,  at  any  rate,  than  the  white  lies  of  society. 

The  other  incident  occurred  when  he  was  nineteen 
years  of  age.  He  was  connected  with  a  business  house 
in  Marseilles,  and  was  required  to  assist  in  throwing 
overboard  rice,  which  his  employer  had  kept  for  specu¬ 
lative  purposes  and  had  allowed  to  remain  in  the  hold 
of  a  ship  until  it  was  spoiled.  Prices  were  high,  owing 
to  a  famine,  and  it  was  feared  they  would  fall  if  the 
rice  were  thrown  on  the  market.  Young  Fourier  ar¬ 
gued  that  a  system  which  forced  children  to  lie  and 
men  to  allow  food  needed  by  hungry  people  to  rot 
must  be  radically  defective. 

He  began  to  elaborate  a  social  scheme  which  should 
promote  truth,  honesty,  economy  of  resources,  and  the 
development  of  our  natural  propensities.  This  became 
the  one  aim  of  his  life.  He  constructed  an  ideal  world, 
and  in  this  he  ever  lived.  Association  with  its  imagi¬ 
nary  creatures  was  his  company  ;  the  fancy  that  he 
had  benefited  them  was  his  consolation  in  adversity, 
and  the  unwavering  belief  that  the  creations  of  his 
brain  were  good,  enabled  him  to  persevere  to  the  end. 
Yet  at  times  he  must  have  felt  the  severity  of  his 
struggle  against  self  and  the  world.  He  had  pub¬ 
lished*  what  he  considered  a  weighty  work,  “La 
Theorie  des  Quatre  Mouvements,”  containing  a  pro¬ 
spectus  and  an  outline  of  his  system,  five  years  before 
he  found  even  one  supporter.  Think  what  that  means  ! 


*  In  1808. 


FOURIER. 


85 


A  reformer  presents  to  mankind  plans  which  he  knows 
will  save  men  from  poverty,  selfishness,  hypocrisy, 
corruption,  intrigue,  deceit,  crime,  and  all  manner  of 
misfortune  and  wickedness,  and  for  five  years  his  proj¬ 
ects  are  not  so  much  as  noticed.  Like  Luther  of  old, 
he  offers  to  maintain  his  theses  against  all  comers,  and 
no  one  thinks  it  worth  while  to  engage  in  the  contro¬ 
versy.  The  sufferings  of  humanity  pain  his  large 
heart,  but  year  after  year  slips  by  and  brings  not  one 
sympathizer,  not  one  helper,  in  his  endeavors  to  save 
the  world.  It  is  easy  to  speak  the  words  “  five  years,” 
but  such  a  period  has  often  seemed  endless  to  those 
who  have  been  obliged  to  live  it. 

Fourier’s  first  supporter  was  not  such  a  one  as  he 
desired  to  promote  his  plans.  Slowly  others  came, 
but  he  never  had  a  large  following.  He  wrote  to 
Robert  Owen,  the  English  communist,  but  received 
no  encouragement,  while  the  Saint-Simonians  treated 
him  with  contempt.  He  did  not  desire  so  much  the 
adherence  of  personal  disciples  as  men  of  property, 
who  could  enable  him  to  make  a  trial  of  his  scheme;  for 
he  thought  the  practical  workings  of  one  experiment 
would  convince  the  world.  He  announced  publicly 
that  he  would  be  at  home  every  day  at  noon  to  meet 
any  one  disposed  to  furnish  a  million  francs  for  an  es¬ 
tablishment  based  on  the  principles  which  he  had  pub¬ 
lished,  and  it  is  said  that  for  twelve  years  he  repaired 
to  his  house  daily  at  the  appointed  hour.  The  philan¬ 
thropist  whom  he  awaited  never  came.  Only  one 
experiment  wTas  made  in  his  lifetime.  In  1832  a 
member  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  offered  an  es¬ 
tate  near  Versailles  as  the  basis  of  an  association, 
and  the  offer  was  accepted  by  a  few  converts.  Fou¬ 
rier  was  never  satisfied  with  the  management,  which 


86 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


seems  to  have  been  defective,  and  the  experiment  soon 
failed. 

Fourier  died  at  the  age  of  sixty-five,  without  having 
had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  any  decided  measures 
taken  for  the  realization  of  his  plans.  He  had,  how¬ 
ever,  succeeded  in  gaining  the  appreciation  and  friend¬ 
ship  of  a  number  of  followers,  and  he  passed  his  last 
days  in  the  enjoyment  of  every  comfort. 

His  tombstone  bears  this  characteristic  inscription, 
expressive  of  his  faith  and  his  hope  : 

“  Les  attractions  sont  proportionnelles  aux  destinies, 

La  serie  distribue  les  harmonies.” 

Fourier  wrote  three  works  of  importance.  The 
first  is  the  one  already  mentioned,  “  La  Theorie  des 
Quatre  Mouvements  et  des  Destinees  Generales” — 
“  The  Theory  of  the  Four  Movements  and  the  General 
Destinies  ” — published  in  1808.  The  four  movements 
were  social,  animal,  organic,  and  material,  giving  us 
society,  animal  life,  organic  life,  and  the  material 
world.  The  object  is  to  show  that  one  law,  that  of 
attraction,  governs  them  all.  Newton  discovered  the 
law  of  one  movement,  the  material  ;  Fourier,  that  this 
same  law  of  attraction  pervaded  all  four  movements. 
This  discovery  prepared  the  way  for  the  most  aston¬ 
ishing  and  most  fortunate  event  which  could  happen 
to  this  globe — viz.,  “  the  sudden  passage  from  social 
chaos  to  universal  harmony.”  *  This  work  was  con¬ 
sidered  incomplete  by  Fourier  himself,  and  the  fan¬ 
tastic  notions  and  ridiculous  prophecies  contained  in 
it  were  the  subject  of  so  much  ridicule  and  criticism 


*  Vide  Introduction  to  the  “  Theorie,”  tome  i.  of  (Euvres  Com¬ 
pletes. 


FOURIER. 


87 


that  for  a  long  time  he  would  not  mention  the  book, 
and  was  unwilling  to  hear  others  speak  of  it.  When 
he  was  afterwards  urged  to  republish  it  he  refused, 
saying  that  it  contained  errors,  and  he  should  be 
obliged  to  rewrite  it,  to  make  it  satisfactory  to  him¬ 
self.* 

Fourier’s  chief  work  was  his  “Traite  de  1’ Associa¬ 
tion  Domestique  Agricole  ou  Attraction  Industrielle  ” 
— “  Treatise  on  Domestic  Rural  Association  or  Indus¬ 
trial  Attraction  ” — published  subsequently  in  his  com¬ 
plete  works  under  the  title  of  “La  Theorie  de  l’Unite 
Universelle  ”  f — “The  Theory  of  Universal  Unity.” 
The  first  edition  appeared  in  1822.  The  fourteen 
years  between  the  appearance  of  the  “Theorie  des 
Quatre  Mouvements  ”  and  the  “  Traite  de  l’Associa- 
tion  ”  were  passed  in  meditation,  in  revolving  and 
evolving  plans  in  his  mind. 

lie  worked  out  a  complete  philosophy  in  the 
“Traite.”  His  system  not  only  included  man  and  the 
earth,  but  the  heavens  above  and  the  waters  under 
the  earth.  His  scientific  notions  were  crude  in  the 
extreme.  Nature  was  composed  of  eternal  and  in¬ 
destructible  principles  —  of  God,  active  and  moving 
principle  ;  of  matter,  passive  principle  ;  and  of  justice 
or  mathematics,  the  regulating  principle  of  the  uni¬ 
verse,  to  which  God  himself  was  subject.  One  of  the 
most  curious  features  of  Fourier’s  system  is  the  use 
he  makes  of  figures.  Pythagoras  himself  did  not  at¬ 
tach  more  importance  to  them.  They  revealed  to  him 
hitherto  undisclosed  secrets,  so  that  he  was  able  to 
give  a  precise  answer  to  any  conceivable  question. 


*  Vide  Preface  of  editors  to  second  edition  (Paris,  1841). 
f  Tomes  ii.-v.  of  CEuvres  Completes  (1841-43). 


88 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


They  enabled  him  to  prophesy.  He  foresaw  that  the 
existence  of  the  human  race  on  this  earth  was  to  con¬ 
tinue  until  it  completed  a  period  of  eighty  thousand 
years.  This  period  is  divided  into  four  phases,  two 
of  them  ascending  phases  of  vibration  or  gradation, 
and  two  descending  phases  of  vibration  or  degrada¬ 
tion.  The  following  table  gives  the  four  phases  : 

ASCENDING  VIBRATION  * 

FIRST  PHASE. 

Infancy,  or  ascending  incoherence,  ^  —  5,000  years. 

SECOND  PHASE. 

Growth,  or  ascending  combination,  3-^  =  35,000  years. 

DESCENDING  VIBRATION. 

THIRD  PHASE. 

Decline,  or  descending  combination,  ^  =  35,000  years. 

FOURTH  PHASE. 

Dotage,  or  descending  incoherence,  3^  =  5,000  years. 

Total,  80,000  years. 

The  life  of  the  race  thus  resembles  the  life  of  man. 
The  earth  is  just  progressing  out  of  its  infancy.  It 
will  have  passed  into  the  second  phase  when  it  has 
adopted  Fourier’s  plan  of  association.  Its  life  up  to 
the  present  time  has  been  weak,  childlike,  and  full  of 
sufferings,  but  it  is  to  receive  reparation  for  this  in 
seventy  thousand  happy  years,  surpassing  in  good 
fortune  any  previously  described  millennium.  Lions 
will  become  servitors  of  man,  and  draw  his  carriage 


*  Vide  “  Theorie  dcs  Quatre  Mouvements,”  CEuvres,  tome  i.  p.  50. 
These  phases  are  subdivided  into  thirty-two  periods,  of  which  a  table 
accompanies  p.  52. 


FOURIER. 


89 


from  one  end  of  France  to  another  in  a  single  day  ; 
while  whales  will  pull  his  ships  across  the  waters, 
provided  he  does  not  prefer  to  ride  on  the  back  of  a 
seal.  Sea- water  will  become  a  more  delightful  bever¬ 
age  than  lemonade  ;  while  a  bright  light  at  the  North 
Pole  will  not  only  render  that  part  of  the  world  in¬ 
habitable,  but  will  diffuse  an  exquisite  aroma  over  all 
the  earth.  Our  bodies  are  part  of  the  earth,  and  it 
suffers  with  us.  When  we  adopt  Fourier’s  scheme  we 
shall  cease  to  suffer,  and  shall  release  the  earth  from 
its  ills.  Our  souls  are  also  parts  of  the  great  world- 
soul,  and  no  part  can  be  in  pain  without  bringing 
grief  to  the  whole.  As  St.  Paul  has  it,  “  The  whole 
creation  groaneth  and  travaileth  in  pain  together.” 

Fourier  believed,  further,  in  the  immortality  of  the 
soul,  in  its  existence  hereafter,  and  in  its  previous  ex¬ 
istence.  He  held  to  the  transmigration  of  the  soul,  and 
in  its  frequent  return  to  this  earth  to  partake  in  the 
happy  future  of  the  human  race.  According  to  him, 
mind  is  always  joined  to  matter  so  that  it  may  ever 
enjoy  material  pleasures.  When  the  mind  leaves  one 
body  it  unites  itself  to  another,  and  always  to  a  high¬ 
er  one.  It  develops  continually.  It  passes  also  from 
world  to  world,  though  ever  and  anon  returning  to  the 
earth.  Our  souls  will  have  existed  in  one  hundred  and 
ten  different  worlds  before  the  end  of  our  planetary 
system.  The  planets  themselves  have  immortal  souls, 
which  are  also  subject  to  transmigration.  At  the  ex¬ 
piration  of  eighty  thousand  years  the  soul  of  the  earth 
will  take  up  its  abode  in  another  and  more  perfect 
body. 

But  it  is  not  necessary  to  devote  more  time  to  these 
nonsensical  speculations.  It  is  not  on  their  account 
that  Fourier  is  remembered.  He  himself  recognized 


90  FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 

the  fact  that  his  chief  merit  was  the  production  of  his 
social  system.  On  this  point  he  says  : 

“  But  what  do  these  accessories  impart  to  the  prin¬ 
cipal  affair,  which  is  the  art  of  organizing  combined 
industry,  whence  will  issue  a  fourfold  product  ;  good 
morals  ;  the  accord  of  the  three  classes — rich,  middle, 
and  poor  ;  the  discontinuance  of  party  quarrels,  the 
cessation  of  pests,  revolutions,  and  fiscal  penury;  and 
universal  unity  ? 

‘‘My  detractors  condemn  themselves  in  attacking 
me  on  account  of  my  views  touching  the  new  sciences 
—  cosmogony,  psychogony,  analogy  —  which  lie  out¬ 
side  of  the  domain  of  the  theory  of  combined  indus¬ 
try.  Although  it  should  prove  true  that  these  new 
sciences  are  erroneous  and  foolish,*  it  does  not  remain 

less  certain  that  I  am  the  first  and  the  onlv  one  who 

* 

has  presented  a  plan  for  associating  inequalities  and 
for  quadrupling  the  products  of  industry  in  employ¬ 
ing  such  passions,  characters,  and  instincts  as  nature 
has  given  us.  This  is  the  only  point  upon  which  peo¬ 
ple  ought  to  fix  their  attention,  and  not  upon  sciences 
which  have  only  been  announced.” 

The  “  Traite  de  l’Association  ”  is  prolix  and  tedious. 
It  abounds  in  meaningless  combinations  of  figures, 
letters,  and  hieroglyphics.  New  and  strange  words, 
coined  without  necessity,  often  render  the  thoughts 
difficult  to  understand.  The  wheat  which  it  undoubt- 
edly  contains  is  buried  beneath  such  an  immense  pile 
of  chaff  that  it  is  too  likely  to  be  overlooked.  Fortu¬ 
nately,  Fourier  has  given  us  a  better  and  more  con¬ 
densed  exposition  of  his  doctrine  in  the  “Nouveau 


*  He  seems  finally  to  Lave  been  inclined  to  believe  that  they 


were  so. 


FOURIER. 


91 


Monde  Industriel  et  Societaire” — “  The  New  Indus¬ 
trial  and  Social  World” — published  in  1829,*  and  the 
latest  of  his  more  important  works. 

The  central  idea  of  Fourier’s  social  scheme  is  asso¬ 
ciation.  The  all-pervading  attraction  which  he  dis¬ 
covered  draws  man  to  man  and  reveals  the  will  of 
God.  It  is  passionate  attraction — attraction  passion - 
nelle.  It  urges  men  to  union.  This  law  of  attrac¬ 
tion  is  universal  and  eternal,  but  men  have  thrown 
obstacles  in  its  way  so  that  it  has  not  had  free  course. 
Consequently,  we  have  been  driven  into  wrong  and 
abnormal  paths.  When  we  return  to  right  ways — 
when  we  follow  the  directions  given  us  by  attraction, 
as  indicated  in  our  twelve  passions  or  desires — uni¬ 
versal  harmony  will  again  reign.  Economic  goods — 
an  indispensable  condition  of  human  development — 
will  be  obtained  in  abundance.  Products  will  be  in¬ 
creased  many  fold,  owing,  first,  to  the  operation  of 
the  passion  to  labor  and  to  benefit  society  ;  secondly, 
to  the  economy  of  associated  effort. 

Since  happiness  and  misery  depend  upon  the  lati¬ 
tude  allowed  our  passions — our  propensities — it  is 
necessary  to  enumerate  these.  They  are  divided  into 
three  classes — the  one  class  tending  to  luxe ,  luxisme , 
luxury  ;  the  second  tending  to  groups  ;  the  third  to 
series.  By  luxe  is  meant  the  gratification  of  the  de¬ 
sires  of  the  five  senses  —  hearing,  seeing,  feeling, 
tasting,  smelling  —  each  one  constituting  a  passion. 
These  are  sensual  in  the  original  sense  of  the  word, 
or  sensitive.  Four  passions  tend  to  groups  —  viz., 
amity  or  friendship,  love,  paternity  or  the  family  feel¬ 
ing  (familism),  and  ambition.  These  are  affective. 


*  Third  edition,  as  vol.  vi.  of  Collected  Works  (Paris,  1848). 


92 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


The  three  remaining  passions  are  distributive,  and  be¬ 
long  to  the  series.  They  are  the  passions  called  caba- 
liste ,  papillonne ,  and  composite.  The  passion  cabaliste 
is  the  desire  for  intrigue,  for  planning  and  contriving. 
It  is  strong  in  women  and  the  ambitious.  In  itself  it 
would  tend  to  destroy  the  unity  of  social  life,  as  would 
also  the  passion  papillonne ,  or  alternante  (the  love  of 
change).  These  are,  however,  harmonized  by  the 
passion  composite  (the  desire  of  union).  All  twelve 
passions  unite  together  into  the  one  mighty,  all-con¬ 
trolling  impulse,  called  uniteisme,  which  is  the  love 
felt  for  others  united  in  society,  and  is  a  passion  un¬ 
known  in  civilization.  It  is  rather  difficult  for  the  un¬ 
initiated  to  see  how  this  differs  from  the  passion  com¬ 
posite ,  unless  it  be  in  strength.  The  following  table 
serves  to  make  the  relations  of  the  passions  clearer  :* 


Seeing 

Hearing 


Passions  tending  (pertaining)  to 
luxury  (sensual  or  sensitive). 


Smelling 

Feeling 

Tasting 


Amity 

Love 

Paternity 

Ambition 


-  Umt6isme. 


Love  I  Passions  tending  to  groups  (affec- 
Paternity  j  tive). 

Ambition 


A  social  organization  must  be  formed  which  will 
allow  free  play  to  our  passions,  so  that  they  may  com- 

*  Vide  Fourier’s  (Euvres,  tome  ii.  pp.  142-147,  and  references  there 
given.  Lorenz  von  Stein  sets  a  high  value  on  the  philosophical- value 
of  this  classification,  as  compared  with  similar  efforts  of  Pythago¬ 
ras  and  Bossuet.  Although  appreciative,  he  criticises  Fourier  vigor¬ 
ously,  and  shows  the  contradictions  involved  in  his  classification  ( vide 
Stein,  “  Sociale  Bewegung,”  Bd.  ii.  SS.  276-285). 


FOURIER. 


93 


bine  harmoniously.  Our  present  society,  called  civili¬ 
zation,*  does  not,  and  cannot,  do  this.  It  is  a  system 
of  oppression  and  repression,  and  is  necessarily  a  fright¬ 
ful  discord.  Harmony  can  only  be  found  in  combina¬ 
tions  of  suitable  numbers  in  communities  known  as 
phalanxes,  and  occupying  buildings  called  phalans¬ 
teries.  Each  phalanx  is  a  unit,  a  great  family,  and 
dwells  in  a  single  building,  a  phalanstery.  What  is 
it  that  determines  the  proper  number  for  a  single 
phalanx  ?  It  is  again  the  twelve  passions  of  man. 
These  can  be  combined  in  eight  hundred  and  twenty 
different  ways  in  as  many  individuals,  and  no  possible 
combination  ought  to  be  unrepresented  in  the  workers 
of  any  phalanx,  or  there  will  be  a  lack  of  perfect  har¬ 
mony.  But  in  every  community  there  will  be  found 
old  men,  infants,  and  those  disabled  on  account  of 
illness  or  accident.  Provision  must  also  be  made  for 
absences.  There  ought  not,  then,  to  be  less  than  fif¬ 
teen  or  sixteen  hundred  members  in  a  phalanx,  though 
four  hundred  is  mentioned  as  a  possible  but  undesirable 
minimum.  Eighteen  hundred  to  two  thousand  mem¬ 
bers  are  recommended.  A  larger  number  would  pro¬ 
duce  discord,  and  is,  therefore,  inadmissible.  But  a 
further  arrangement  is  necessary.  These  different 
characters  thrown  together  helter-skelter  would  no 
more  produce  harmony  than  it  would  for  one  blind¬ 
folded  to  draw  from  a  bag  two  thousand  combinations 
of  notes  for  the  piano  and  play  them  in  the  order  in 
which  they  were  drawn.  On  the  contrary,  they  must 
be  ordered  intelligently  in  series,  the  series  combined 


*  Always  thus  designated  by  Fourier.  He  attaches  such  a  re¬ 
proachful  meaning  to  it  that  the  word  has  an  ugly  sound  to  one 
immediately  after  reading  his  works. 


94 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


into  groups,  and  the  groups  united  into  the  phalanx. 
Those  having  similar  tastes  form  a  series,  which  must 
consist  of  some  seven,  eight,  or  nine  members.  Sev¬ 
eral  series  having  related  tastes  and  desires  unite  in  a 
group.  A  group  undertakes  some  one  kind  of  labor, 
as  the  care  of  fruit-trees,  and  a  series  concerns  itself 
with  one  particular  branch  of  the  labor  of  a  group,  as 
the  care  of  apple-trees. 

All  labor  becomes  pleasant  to  man,  as  nature  meant 
it  should  he.  It  is  only  when  he  is  forced  to  do  a 
kind  which  he  does  not  like,  or  is  obliged  to  over¬ 
work,  that  productive  exertion  becomes  repulsive. 
This  is  avoided  in  the  phalanxes,  as  each  one  is  al¬ 
lowed  to  follow  his  own  bent,  being  at  perfect  liberty 
to  join  any  group  of  laborers  or  to  change  from  group 
to  group  as  he  may  see  fit.  In  fact,  the  desire  for 
change — the  passion  papillonne ,  or  alternante — is  so 
strong  that  at  the  expiration  of  two  hours  a  change 
is  usually  made  from  one  kind  of  labor  to  another. 
Work  of  this  character  becomes  play,  and  children 
like  it,  while  men  are  as  fond  of  it  as  of  athletic  sports. 
We  now  discover  men  undergoing  severe  physical 
exertion  for  the  sake  of  excelling  in  running,  swim¬ 
ming,  wrestling,  rowing,  etc.  There  will  spring  up  a 
similar  rivalry  between  groups  of  cultivators  in  the 
phalanxes.  One  set  of  laborers  will  endeavor  to  ob¬ 
tain  more  useful  products  from  ten  or  one  hundred 
acres  than  another  similar  group  from  the  same  ex¬ 
tent  of  land  of  like  quality.  We  find  such  a  rivalry 
at  present  among  cultivators  of  the  soil,  and  it  might 
undoubtedly  be  increased  in  organizations  such  as 
Fourier  described.  Every  fall  you  see  it  reported  in 
local  papers  that  farmer  A  has  raised,  let  us  say,  four 
hundred  bushels  of  oats  from  ten  acres  ;  this  at  once 


FOURIER. 


95 


provokes  B  to  inform  the  world  that  his  ten  acres 
yielded  live  hundred  bushels.  C  may  report  live  hun¬ 
dred  and  fifty  bushels  in  the  coming  year.  This  de¬ 
monstrates  the  existence  of  a  rivalry  of  a  valuable 
kind,  of  which  much  might  be  made.  But  Fourier 
pushed  things  to  an  extreme  when  he  thought  that 
the  productiveness  of  labor  might  thereby  be  increased 
fourfold,  or  even  fivefold.  He  held  that  a  man  could 
produce  enough  under  his  social  regime  from  his 
eighteenth  to  twenty-eighth  year,  so  that  he  could 
pass  the  remainder  of  his  life  in  elegant  leisure.  He 
maintained,  too,  that  if  England  should  introduce  his 
socialistic  phalanxes  her  labor  would  become  so  pro¬ 
ductive  that  she  could  pay  off  her  national  debt  in 
six  months  by  the  sale  of  hens’  eggs.  This  is  what 
he  says  on  this  point  :  “It  is  not  by  millions,  but  by 
billions,  that  we  shall  value  the  product  of  small  ob¬ 
jects  which  are  to-day  despised.  It  is  now  the  turn 
of  eggs  to  play  a  grand  role ,  and  resolve  a  problem  be¬ 
fore  which  those  learned  in  European  finance  have 
grown  pale.  They  only  know  how  to  increase  public 
indebtedness.  We  are  going  to  extinguish  the  colos¬ 
sal  English  debt  on  a  fixed  day  with  half  of  the  eggs 
produced  during  a  single  year.  We  shall  not  lay  vio¬ 
lent  hands  on  a  single  fowl,  and  the  work  of  accom¬ 
plishing  our  purpose,  instead  of  being  burdensome, 
will  be  an  amusement  for  the  globe. 

“  Let  us  make  an  arithmetical  calculation.  We  wish 
to  pay  a  debt  of  twenty-five  billions  during  the  year 
1835,  with  hen’s  eggs. 

“  Let  us  estimate,  to  begin  with,  the  real  value  of 
these  eggs.  I  appraise  them  at  ten  sous  or  half  a 
franc  a  dozen,  when  they  are  guaranteed  fresh  and  of 
a  good  size,  like  those  of  the  hens  of  Caux.  .  .  . 


96  FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 

“Valuing  at  ten  sous  a  dozen  the  guaranteed  good, 
large,  and  fresh  eggs  of  fowls,  nourished  with  all  the 
resources  of  art,  we  should  have  to  count  upon  fifty 
billions  of  dozens  of  eggs  in  order  to  extinguish  in  a 
single  year  the  English  debt. 

“The  hen,  the  most  precious  of  fowls,  is  a  truly 
cosmopolitan  bird.  With  suitable  care  she  becomes 
acclimated  everywhere.  She  flourishes  on  the  sands 
of  Egypt  and  among  the  glaciers  of  the  North. 

“  I  will  prove  that  the  hennery  of  one  phalanx 
ought  to  contain  at  least  10,000  hens,  not  including 
the  pullets,  twenty  times  as  numerous. 

“Let  us  estimate  that  a  hen  lays  200  eggs  a  year. 
She  ought  not,  perhaps,  to  be  expected  to  do  this  under 
our  present  social  regime ,  but  well  cared-for  in  a  so¬ 
cialistic  phalanx  she  could  do  rather  more.  .  .  . 

“Let  us  add  up,  and,  after  the  manner  of  good 
housewives,  neglect  fractions.  .  .  .  Let  us  suppose 
that  the  hennery  of  each  phalanx  contains  12,000 
hens,  instead  of  10,000. 

“  One  thousand  dozens  of  eggs  at  half  a  franc  the 
dozen  would  amount  to  500  francs.  Multiplying  this 
by  200,  we  would  have  from  each  phalanx  a  product 
valued  at  100,000  francs.  We  must  now  multiply  this 
by  600,000,  the  number  of  phalanxes,  which  gives  a 
total  product  of  60,000,000,000. 

“Now,  as  we  have  estimated  the  number  of  hens  at 
12,000  for  each  phalanx,  in  order  to  facilitate  the  cal¬ 
culation,  it  will  be  necessary  to  deduct  one  sixth  from 
our  product,  which  will  leave  50,000,000,000.  Divide 
this  by  two,  and  the  quotient  is  25,000,000,000,  pre¬ 
cisely  the  amount  of  the  English  debt  expressed  in 
round  numbers.” — Q.  E.  D. 

Of  course,  such  amusing  and  ridiculous  passages  in 


•  • 


FOURIER. 


97 


Fourier’s  writings  do  not  give  us  any  sufficient  ground 
for  condemning  the  cardinal  principles  of  Fourierism. 

Besides  the  productivity  of  labor  by  a  rivalry  be¬ 
tween  producers,  the  socialistic  phalanx  will  avoid 
the  waste  of  goods  caused  by  industrial  and  commer¬ 
cial  competition.  Twenty  men  are  often  employed  to 
do  what  three  or  four  might  accomplish  with  ease, 
were  the  labor  properly  organized.  Think  of  the 
enormous  loss  to  society  of  labor  and  capital  due  to 
a  superfluity  of  retail  shops  all  over  a  great  country 
like  the  United  States  !  It  may  not  have  occurred  to 
some  that  whenever  capital,  consisting  of  economic 
goods,  like  houses,  buildings,  implements,  etc.,  is  not 
fully  employed,  or  whenever  men  are  waiting  for 
work,  economic  power  is  being  wasted.  This  view 
of  the  effects  of  competition  ought  to  influence  our 
legislators  more  than  it  does.  Let  us  take  the  case  of 
two  parallel  railroads,  where  one  might  do  all  the 
business.  Thousands  of  acres  of  land  are  needlessly 
and  forever  removed  from  agricultural  purposes, 
thousands  of  tons  of  iron  and  steel  are  diverted  from 
other  uses,  the  labor  of  hundreds  of  men  is  perma¬ 
nently  wasted — in  short,  the  millions  sunk  in  the  en¬ 
terprise  in  the  first  place,  together  with  the  cost  of 
maintaining  and  working  it,  are  forever  lost  to  the 
society.  Competition  thus  often  makes  it  cost  far  more 
to  do  a  given  amount  of  business  than  it  would  other¬ 
wise.  If  Fourierism  could  rid  us  of  the  evils  of  free 
competition  without  depriving  us  of  the  benefits  we 
derive  from  it,  it  would,  indeed,  be  in  so  far  a  great 
blessing  to  the  world.  Fourier  felt  positive  that  it 
could,  but  he  has  never  succeeded  in  convincing  a 
large  number  to  put  faith  in  his  bright  promises. 

The  economy  of  associated  effort  and  associated  life 

7 


98 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


is  one  of  the  leading  factors  which  will  increase  the 
wealth  of  man.  Every  square  league  of  land  has 
its  one  phalanstery  occupied  by  a  phalanx,  consisting 
of  some  four  hundred  families.  It  costs  no  more  to 
build  a  palace  for  all  these  families  than  it  would  to 
construct  four  hundred  separate  and  uncomfortable 
cottages.  While  each  family  has  its  separate  rooms, 
cooking  is  carried  on  in  common,  and  great  saving 
is  thereby  secured.  A  fire  to  cook  four  hundred  din¬ 
ners  may  not  cost  ten  times  as  much  as  a  fire  to  cook 
two,  while  it  requires  scarcely  a  greater  exertion  to 
watch  a  large  roast  than  a  small  one.  In  the  housing 
of  animals,  foods,  implements,  etc.,  a  similar  economy 
is  secured.  A  large  number  working  together  afford 
every  opportunity  for  a  fruitful  combination  and  di¬ 
vision  of  labor.  Other  economies  will  be  effected  by 
the  suppression  of  useless  classes.  In  the  new  society 
there  will  be  no  soldiers  of  destruction,  no  policemen, 
agents  of  a  discordant  social  regime ,  no  criminals  and 
lawyers,  both  products  of  civilization,  of  disharmony  ; 
finally,  no  metaphysicians  and  no  political  econo¬ 
mists.  Agriculture  is  the  leading  occupation,  while 
commerce  and  manufacturing  industry  are  reduced  to 
a  minimum.  Products  are  conveniently  exchanged 
among  members  of  a  commune,  while  phalanx  ex¬ 
changes  superfluities  with  phalanx  and  nation  with 
nation  in  the  most  economical  manner. 

Fourier’s  socialistic  system  is  not  so  pure  a  form  of 
socialism  as  that  of  Saint-Simon,  inasmuch  as  he  re¬ 
tained  private  capital  and,  temporarily  at  least,  inheri¬ 
tance.  The  division  of  products  takes  place  in  this 
wise  :  A  certain  minimum — a  very  generous  one — is 
set  apart  for  each  member  of  the  commune,  and  the 
enormous  surplus  is  divided  between  labor,  capital, 


FOURIER. 


99 


and  talent — five  twelfths  going  to  labor,  four  twelfths 
to  capital,  and  three  twelfths  to  talent.  The  division 
is  made  by  the  phalanxes  through  the  agency  of  offi¬ 
cers  whom  they  elect.  The  maxim  is  not  labor  ac¬ 
cording  to  capacity  and  reward  according  to  services, 
as  with  the  Saint-Simonians,  but  labor  according  to 
capacity  and  reward  in  proportion  to  exertion,  talent, 
and  capital.  Labor  is  divided  into  three  classes — 
necessary,  useful,  and  agreeable — the  highest  reward 
accruing  to  the  first  and  the  smallest  to  the  last  division, 
in  accordance  with  the  principles  of  equity. 

Government — for  which,  however,  there  seems  to  be 
little  need — is  republican.  Officers  are  elected.  The 
chief  of  a  phalanx  is  a  unarch.  The  next  highest  offi¬ 
cer  is  at  the  head  of  three  or  four  phalanxes,  and  is 
called  a  duarch.  Triarchs,  tetrarchs,  pentarchs,  etc., 
follow  ;  while  the  highest  officer  of  the  world  is  the 
omniarch,  who  dwells  at  Constantinople,  the  capital  of 
the  world. 

While  there  are  grades  in  society,  the  rich  and 
powerful  are  so  animated  by  the  spirit  of  association 
—  uniteisme — that  the  differences  give  no  offence. 
Familism,  the  love  of  those  nearest  and  dearest,  loses 
its  excluding  character.  The  law  of  social  attraction, 
“  while  it  conserves  the  ties  and  affections  of  the  fam¬ 
ily,  will  destroy  its  exclusive  interests.  Association 
will  mingle  it  to  such  an  extent  with  the  great  com¬ 
munal  or  phalansterian  family  that  every  narrow 
affection  will  disappear,  that  it  will  find  its  own  in¬ 
terest  in  that  of  all,  and  will  attach  it  sincerely  and 
passionately  to  the  public  concern  {chose  publique) .”  * 


*  Vide  “  Fourier  et  son  Syst&me,”  par  Madame  Gatti  de  Gammond 
(3d  ed.  1839),  p.  86. 


100 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


Fourier  favored  the  so  -  called  emancipation  of 
woman,  and  assigned  her  a  high  rank  in  society.  He 
found  the  economic,  legal,  and  social  position  of  wom¬ 
an  at  any  given  period,  or  in  any  country,  an  exact 
measure  of  the  true  civilization  of  said  period  or  coun¬ 
try.  At  the  same  time  he  was  obliged  to  allow  many 
things  which  good  men  generally  regard  as  degrading 
to  woman,  as  he  started  from  the  belief  that  all  nat¬ 
ural  desires  and  propensities  were  good.  It  is  much 
to  be  feared  that  he  would  practically  have  abolished 
marriage  and  the  family,  as  we  now  understand  these 
institutions.  It  is  altogether  probable  that  Fourier 
would  have  been  more  successful  in  his  propaganda 
had  his  ideas  in  every  respect  been  more  in  conso¬ 
nance  with  the  teachings  of  Christian  morality. 

Fourier  was  naturally  a  man  of  peace.  Holding,  as 
he  did,  that  a  single  experiment  would  convince  the 
world  that  his  system  of  phalanxes  was  the  only  cor¬ 
rect  organization,  he  could  not  consistently  advocate 
a  violent  revolution.  He  believed  that  the  millen¬ 
nium  was  to  dawn  in  a  few  years,  even  within  a 
shorter  period  than  ten  years.  Once  he  advised  his 
followers  not  to  purchase  real  property,  as  the  prog¬ 
ress  of  Fourierism  would  soon  cause  it  to  depreciate 
in  value.  His  disciples  have  been  disappointed  in 
their  hope  that  men  would  speedily  accept  the  princi¬ 
ples  of  their  master,  but  they  have  ever  opposed  vio¬ 
lence. 

Kaufmann,  in  his  “Schaffle’s  Socialism,”  thus  sums 
up  the  chief  merits  of  Fourier’s  teachings  :  “  There  is 
a  good  deal  of  truth  in  some  of  his  critical  remarks. 
The  importance  of  co-operative  production  has  been 
recognized  chiefly  in  consequence  of  his  first  pointing 
out  the  economical  benefits  of  the  association.  The 


FOURIER. 


101 


narrow-minded  fear  of  wholesale  trade,  and  machin¬ 
ery,  too,  was  in  a  measure  dispelled  by  Fourier’s  un¬ 
qualified  recognition  of  their  value.  His  remarks  on 
the  unnecessary  hardships  of  labor  and  the  evil  conse¬ 
quences  of  excessive  toil  have  had  their  influence  on 
modern  factory-laws  for  the  protection  of  labor  and  the 
shortening  of  the  labor  hours.  •  Sanitary  reforms,  and 
improvements  of  the  laborer’s  homestead,  which  have 
become  the  question  of  the  hour,  owe  not  a  little  of 
their  origin  to  the  spread  of  Fourier’s  ideas.” 

Fourier’s  first  adherent  was  J ust  Muiron,  who  at¬ 
tached  himself  to  the  master  in  1813,  and  remained 
a  faithful  folloAver  for  many  years.  He  w'rote  two 
works,*  in  which  he  exhibited  the  vices  of  our  exist¬ 
ing  industrial  society  and  explained  the  metaphysical 
principles  of  Fourierism.  Gradually  others  joined  the 
movement,  of  whom  the  most  important  was  Victor 
Considerant,  the  author  of  “  La  Destinee  Sociale,  Ex¬ 
position  ]Elementaire,  Complete  de  la  Theorie  Socie- 
taire  ”  —  “  Social  Destiny,  a  Complete  Elementary 
Exposition  of  the  Social  Theory  ” — published  in  the 
years  1834-38,  in  three  volumes,  and  in  a  new  edition, 
in  1851,  in  two  volumes.  This  is  the  ablest  presenta¬ 
tion  of  the  doctrine,  and  has  become,  as  another  writer 
has  said,  the  text-book  of  the  school.  Among  other 
members  of  note  may  be  mentioned  Baudet-Dulary, 
the  deputy  who,  in  1832,  offered  an  estate  for  an  ex¬ 
perimental  association  ;  Madame  Gatti  de  Gammond, 
author  of  the  best  short  and  popular  exposition  of 


♦“Vices  de  Xos  Procedes  Industriels  ”  (1824;  2d  ed.,  with  the 
title  “  Aper^us  sur  les  Procedes  Industriels,”  1840)  and  “Nouvelles 
Transactions  Sociales,  Religieuses  et  Politiques  de  Virtomnius” 
(1832). 


102 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


Fourierism  ;  * * * §  Madame  Clarisse  Vigoureux,  a  wealthy 
and  talented  lady  ;  f  Charles  Pellarin,  the  able  biog¬ 
rapher  of  his  master  ;  J  finally,  Jules  le  Chevalier,  a 
former  Saint-Simonian,  and  author  of  a  Fourieristic 
work  of  importance.  §  When  the  Saint  -  Simonians 
separated,  a  considerable  number  of  them  passed  over 
to  Fourierism.  It  will  be  seen  that  the  new  doctrine 
lacked  neither  wealth  nor  ability.  Its  numbers  were 
at  first  small,  but  after  the  death  of  Fourier  the  school 
received  large  accessions  of  adherents.  The  disciples 
published  a  paper,  which,  under  various  names,  ||  and 
with  breaks  in  its  appearance,  was  published  as  a  week¬ 
ly,  monthly,  and  daily.  The  disciples  finally  formed 
“  The  Society  for  the  Propagation  and  Realization  of 
the  Theory  of  Fourier” — “La  Societe  pour  la  Propa¬ 
gation  et  pour  la  Realisation  de  la  Theorie  de  Fou¬ 
rier” — which  is  probably  still  alive.  At  any  rate,  a 
writer^  stated  in  1872  that  it  was  then  in  existence, 
in  possession  of  a  capital  of  seven  hundred  thousand 
francs,  and  was  still  determined  to  labor  for  the  good 
cause.  All  the  strictly  Fourieristic  experiments  tried 
in  France  thus  far  have  failed.  Possibly  another  trial 


*  “Fourier  et  son  Systeme”  (1st  ed.  1838;  3d  ed.  1839,  pp.  384). 
Madame  de  Gammond  modifies  Fourier’s  views  concerning  the  rela¬ 
tions  of  the  sexes  in  her  presentation,  as  would  naturally  be  expected 
of  a  lady  of  culture. 

f  Wrote  “Paroles  de  Providence”  (1835). 

\  “Fourier,  Sa  Yie  et  sa  Theorie  ”  (5th  ed.  1872). 

§  “Etudes  sur  la  Science  Sociale”  (2  vols.  1831-34). 

||  1832,  La  Reforme  Industrielle1  ou  le  Phalanst'ere ;  La  Phalange , 
whose  mottoes  were  “  Social  Reform  without  Revolutions,”  “  Realiza¬ 
tion  of  Order,  of  Justice,  and  of  Liberty,”  “Organization  of  Indus¬ 
try;”  La  Democratic  Pacifique ,  the  daily,  suppressed  in  1850. 

Arthur  Booth,  in  article  on  Fourier  in  Fortnightly  Review ,  vol.  xii. 
N.  S.  (July-Dee.  1,  1872). 


FOURIER. 


103 


may  be  more  successful.  At  present  the  school  em¬ 
braces  only  a  small  number  of  peaceful  socialists,  liv¬ 
ing  mostly  in  Paris.  Victor  Considerant,  now  seventy- 
five  years  old,  is  among  these. 

One  of  the  best  fruits  which  Fourier’s  teachings 
have  borne  may  be  found  in  a  social  community  at 
Guise,  in  France,  where  capital  and  labor  are  asso¬ 
ciated  much  after  his  plans,  although  all  objectionable 
and  immoral  elements  appear  to  have  been  left  out. 
The  founder  is  Jean  Godin,  a  wealthy  manufacturer, 
and  a  Fourierist  with  modified  views,  who  has  used 
his  wealth  to  benefit  his  own  laborers  directly  and 
immediately,  by  providing  them  with  comfortable 
homes,  amusements,  instruction,  etc.,  and  laborers,  as 
a  class,  indirectly  and  remotely,  by  paving  the  way 
for  a  higher  form  of  social  life,  a  certain  kind  of 
co-operation.  He  himself  says  of  the  Familistbre  at 
Guise,  as  the  building  in  which  the  community  lives 
is  called,  that  it  “is  the  first  example  of  a  capital  res¬ 
olutely  employed  under  a  single  direction,  with  the 
view  of  uniting  in  one  place  all  the  things  necessary 
to  the  life  of  a  large  number  of  working  families  ;  it 
is  the  first  example  of  an  administration  concentrating 
operations  so  diverse  in  order  that  the  results  may  ac¬ 
crue  to  the  greatest  goocL  of  the  families,  removing 
thus  useless  intermediaries  :  all  this  in  preserving,  by 
an  economic  organization,  the  capital  engaged  in  the 
enterprise.”  * 

While  the  community  resembles  a  phalanx,  as  de¬ 
scribed  by  Fourier,  in  many  respects,  it  also  differs 
from  it  in  many  others.  It  resembles  it  in  its  abode, 
constructed  much  like  a  phalanstery,  and  with  a  large 


*  Godin’s  “Solutions  Sociales”  (Paris,  1871),  p.  529. 


104 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


share  of  the  elegance  and  comfort  so  glowingly  pict¬ 
ured  by  Fourier.  It  resembles  it  also  in  securing 
economy  and  increased  comfort  by  associated  effort. 
Further  resemblance  is  found  in  the  care  for  the  chil¬ 
dren,  the  sick,  the  aged,  and  the  disabled,  in  the  pro¬ 
vision  for  education  and  recreation,  and  in  the  attempt 
to  realize  a  condition  of  things  fitting  those  who  be¬ 
lieve  in  the  brotherhood  of  man.  Differences  are  found 
in  the  large  share  of  power  which  M.  Godin  has  re¬ 
served  for  himself,  the  removal  of  obviously  ridicu¬ 
lous  and  fantastic  contrivances,  and  in  the  absence  al¬ 
together  of  agriculture,  which  Fourier  considered  the 
chief  occupation  of  regenerated  society.  The  estab¬ 
lishment  consists  of  iron,  copper,  sugar,  and  chiccory 
factories.  M.  Godin  regrets  that  agriculture  has  not 
been  included  in  the  pursuits,  but  it  does  not  seem  to 
have  been  found  practicable. 

The  social  body  consists  of  about  fifteen  hundred 
members.  The  familistbre ,  or  social  palace  in  which 
they  live,  is  thus  described  :  it  is  “ 4  an  immense  brick 
edifice  in  the  form  of  three  parallelograms,’  each  of 
which  encloses  an  interior  court,  covered  with  a  glass 
roof  and  paved  with  cement.  The  building  is  four 
stories  high.  The  central  parallelogram,  or  rec¬ 
tangle,  is  two  hundred  and  eleven  feet  front  and 
one  hundred  and  thirty  feet  deep.  .  .  .  The  stores  of 
the  association  ...  on  the  lowest  story  of  the  central 
portion  of  the  building  .  .  .  contain  whatever  is  nec¬ 
essary  for  ordinary  need  and  comfort,  without  refer¬ 
ence  to  luxuries.  .  .  .  ‘In  the  social  palace  fifteen  hun¬ 
dred  persons  can  see  each  other  go  to  their  daily  do¬ 
mestic  occupations,  reunite  in  public  places,  go  to 
market  or  shopping,  under  covered  galleries,  without 
traversing  more  than  two  hundred  yards,  and  as  com- 


FOURIER. 


105 


fortably  in  one  kind  of  weather  as  in  another.’  ”  * 
There  is  also  a  large  nursery,  where  children  are 
taught  “to  associate  equitably  with  one  another.” 
They  are  brought  there  by  the  mothers  at  about  ten 
in  the  morning,  and  are  taken  back  to  the  family 
apartments  between  live  and  six  in  the  afternoon. 
Many  pleasant  things  are  connected  with  the  life  in 
this  social  palace,  as  it  is  called.  There  are  numerous 
concerts,  and  a  theatre  furnishes  opportunity  for  the¬ 
atricals.  Even  a  billiard-room  is  provided  for  the 
amusement  of  the  members.  Two  festivals  are  cele¬ 
brated  yearly — “The  Festival  of  Labor,”  in  May,  and 
the  “Festival  of  the  Children,”  in  September.f 

The  following  are  a  few  extracts  from  the  declara¬ 
tion  of  principles  with  which  their  “  laws  ”  open  : 

“  V.  It  is  the  essential  duty  of  society  and  of  every  individual  so 
to  regulate  their  conduct  as  to  produce  the  greatest  possible  benefits 
to  humanity,  and  to  make  this  the  constant  object  of  all  their 
thoughts,  words,  and  actions. 

“  VI.  The  perception  of  this  duty  has  dictated  to  the  sages  of  all 
time  the  following  precepts  : 

“  ‘  To  love  others  as  one’s  self.’ 

“  ‘  To  act  towards  others  as  you  would  wish  that  they  should  act 
towards  you.’ 

“  ‘  To  make  our  abilities  conduce  to  the  perfection  of  our  existence 
and  that  of  others.’  .  .  . 

“  ‘  To  unite  together  and  give  support  to  one  another.’ 

“  VII.  .  .  .  The  laws  of  universal  order,  and  especially  the  law  of 
human  progress,  place  at  the  disposal  of  men — 


*  “Association  of  Capital  with  Labor”  (translated  by  Louis  Bris¬ 
tol;  published  by  the  “New  York  Woman’s  Social  Science  Society,” 
Room  24,  Cooper  Institute,  1881). 

f  The  exercises  at  the  former  of  these  celebrations  is  described  in 
the  Overland  Monthly  for  March,  1883,  by  Marie  Howland;  in  the 
Californian  for  January,  1881,  a  description  of  the  latter  festival 
may  be  found. 


106 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


“  The  resources  of  nature  and  those  of  the  public  property. 

“  Labor  and  intelligence. 

“  Capital  or  accumulated  labor. 

“VIII.  It  is  for  the  good  of  all  humanity  that  nature  vivifies  and 
produces  everything  useful  to  human  life,  and  it  is,  without  doubt,  for 
the  benefit  of  all,  that  each  generation  should  transmit  to  its  suc¬ 
cessors  its  acquired  knowledge. 

“  IX.  By  giving  existence  to  man,  God  accords  to  him  a  right  to 
what  is  necessary  for  him  in  the  resources  which  nature  every  day 
affords  to  humanity,  as  well  as  the  right  to  profit  by  the  progress  of 
society. 

“  XI.  (The)  perpetual  and  gratuitous  assistance  from  nature  proves 
that  man,  by  the  very  fact  of  his  birth,  acquires,  and  should  never 
lose,  a  certain  degree  of  natural  right  in  the  wealth  that  is  produced. 

“  Hence  it  follows  that  the  weak  have  the  right  to  enjoy  what  nat¬ 
ure  and  the  public  property  place  at  the  disposal  of  men. 

“  And  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  strong  to  leave  to  the  weak  a  just 
share  of  the  general  product.”  * 

The  products  are  divided  according  to  this  socialis¬ 
tic — not  communistic — scheme  between  labor  and  cap¬ 
ital.  It  has  existed  upwards  of  twenty  years  thus  far, 
v  and  has  prospered.  This  may  have  been  due  to  the 
talent  of  M.  Godin,  its  founder.  Whether  it  will  be 
able  to  maintain  its  existence  after  his  death  remains 
to  be  seen,  f 

M.  Godin  has  described  his  views  on  social  problems 
and  his  endeavors  to  benefit  the  laborers  in  a  valuable 
work  entitled  “  Solutions  Sociales,”  which  should  be 
read  carefully  by  those  who  contemplate  founding  co¬ 
operative  or  other  establishments  for  the  benefit  of  the 
masses. 

Fourierism  was  brought  to  America  about  1840, 
and  soon  found  numerous  advocates,  including  many 

*  “  Association  of  Capital  with  Labor,”  pp.  5,  6. 

f  This  enterprise  is  admirably  described  in  an  article  entitled  “The 
Social  Palace  at  Guise”  ( Harper's  Monthly ,  April,  1872). 


FOURIER. 


107 

names  of  which  America  is  proud.  Prominent  among 
the  leaders  were  Albert  Brisbane,*  the  head  of  the 
movement,  Horace  Greeley,  and  Charles  A.  Dana.  In 
his  “  History  of  American  Socialisms,”  Mr.  Noyes  men¬ 
tions  thirty-four  experiments  made  by  Fourierists  in 
this  country,  all  of  which  failed  for  some  reason  or 
other.  The  most  remarkable  of  these  experiments 
was  Brook  Farm.  At  first  it  was  not  called  a  phalanx, 
although  from  the  start  it  combined  many  of  the 
features  of  Fourierism,  but  it  shortly  fell  in  line  and 
became  a  Fourieristic  experiment.  When  it  is  men¬ 
tioned  that  its  leading  spirits  were  George  Ripley, 
Charles  A.  Dana,  Margaret  Fuller,  and  others  of  like 
character,  it  is  needless  to  add  that  its  moral  basis 
was  sound.  Others,  more  or  less  connected  with  the 
experiment,  were  George  William  Curtis,  Horace 
Greeley,  Dr.  Channing,  and  Nathaniel  Hawthorne. 
Its  exceedingly  interesting  and  pathetic  history  is  to 
be  found  in  Frothingham’s  “George  Ripley.” f 

*  Wrote  “  The  Social  Destiny  of  Man,”  founded  on  Considerant’s 
“Destin6e  Sociale.” 

f  Published  in  the  “American  Men  of  Letters  Series,”  and  vide  vl 
also  Noyes’s  “  History  of  American  Socialisms,”  ch.  xi. 


108 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


- 

CHAPTER  VI. 

LOUIS  BLANC. 

Saint-Simon  and  Fourier  are  first  among  French 
socialists.  In  the  history  of  society  no  socialistic  sys¬ 
tems  occupy  a  higher  rank  than  those  to  which  they 
gave  their  names.  France  has,  however,  produced 
two  other  men  who  have  taken  positions  as  leaders  in 
social  movements.  If  Saint-Simon  and  Fourier  take 
precedence  over  them  in  the  hierarchy  of  socialists, 
there  is  certainly  no  Frenchman  who  can  dispute  their 
right  to  the  next  highest  places.  They  were  chiefs 
after  Saint-Simonism  and  Fourierism  had  begun  to 
wane  and  before  German  socialism  had  begun  to  exist. 
These  two  men  were  Louis  Blanc  and  Proudhon,  and 
it  is  necessary  to  devote  a  few  words  to  them  before 
passing  over  to  a  very  brief  consideration  of  the  latest 
phases  of  French  socialism. 

Saint-Simon  and  Fourier  were  social  reformers  only. 
They  divorced  economic  reform  from  politics.  They 
did  not  seek  to  use  the  existing  political  machinery  of 
society  as  a  means  to  their  ends.  They  appealed  to 
religious  fervor,  to  brotherly  love,  to  self  -  interest, 
and  to  passionate  attraction,  and  regarded  these  as 
quite  sufficient  moving  and  organizing  forces.  Al¬ 
though  these  men  accomplished  much,  it  was  very 
little  in  proportion  to  their  hopes  and  expectations. 
What  they  did  bring  to  pass  did  not  come  precisely 


LOUIS  BLANC. 


109 


in  the  way  they  wished  it.  To  all  intents  and  pur¬ 
poses  the  great  social  problem  seemed  as  far  from  so¬ 
lution  as  ever.  The  next  step  in  the  development 
of  socialism  was  its  connection  with  politics.  A  man 
was  needed  who  should  recognize  the  intimate  rela¬ 
tion  between  political  and  social  life,  and  should  take 
the  lead  in  the  attempt  to  use  the  power  of  the  one  to 
regenerate  the  other.  Louis  Blanc  was  the  one  des¬ 
tined  to  lead  socialism  into  this  way.  This  is  his  true 
significance.  He  was  the  first  state  socialist.  He  was 
a  practical  politician  of  too  much  influence  to  make  it 
possible  to  ignore  him,  but  politics  were  always  a 
means,  never  an  end.  Louis  Blanc  is  thus  the  connect¬ 
ing  link  between  the  older  socialism,  which  was  in 
many  respects  superstitious,  absurd,  and  fantastical, 
and  the  newer,  which  is  sceptical,  hard,  and  practical. 

Louis  Blanc,  journalist,  author,  politician,  socialist, 
was  born  in  Madrid,  Spain,  October  28,  1813.  His 
parents  were  French  people,  who  were  living  tempo¬ 
rarily  in  Madrid,  as  his  father  had  been  appointed 
General  Inspector  of  Finance  under  Joseph  Bona¬ 
parte.  They  naturally  left  Spain  soon  after  this  and 
Louis  Blanc  passed  his  early  years  in  Corsica,  his 
mother’s  native  land.  He  studied  in  the  College  at 
Rodez,  and  went  to  Paris  about  1830  to  continue  his 
studies.  As  the  revolution  had  ruined  his  father,  Louis 
appears  for  some  time  to  have  been  obliged  to  live  in 
cramped  circumstances.  He  assisted  himself  at  first 
by  copying  and  teaching,  but  he  soon  began  to  make 
his  influence  as  a  writer  felt.  He  became  one  of  the 
editors  of  Le  Bon  /Sc?is  in  1834,  was  made  editor-in- 
chief  in  1837,  and  resigned  in  1838,  owing  to  a  differ¬ 
ence  of  views  between  him  and  the  proprietors  of  the 
journal,  regarding  the  railway  question,  they  holding 


110 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


to  the  system  of  private  railways  while  he  favored 
state  railways.  He  also  contributed  at  the  same  time 
to  the  National ,  the  Pevue  Pepublicaine  and  other 
papers,  all  of  which  were  republican  or  radical  pe¬ 
riodicals.  In  1839  he  founded  the  Pevue  da  Pro- 
gr&s,  which  became  the  organ  of  the  most  advanced 
democrats,  and  it  was  in  this  paper  that  his  chief 
socialistic  work,  “  Organisation  du  Travail  ”  —  “  Or¬ 
ganization  of  Labor”  —  appeared  in  1840.  It  was 
published  afterwards  in  book-form,  and  has  achieved 
a  world  -  wide  fame.  The  ninth  edition  appeared 
in  1850.  The  first  volume  of  his  most  important 
historical  work,  the  “  Histoire  de  Dix  Ans  ” — “  His¬ 
tory  of  the  Ten  Years”  (  1830-40) — appeared  in 
1841.  It  was  completed  in  sixteen  volumes*  in  1844. 
A  twelfth  edition  was  published  in  Paris  in  1874,  in 
five  volumes.  This  is  one  of  the  most  remarkable  of 
histories.  Few  literary  works  have  exercised  a  greater 
influence  in  shaping  events.  It  held  up  the  meanness, 
littleness,  and  narrowness  of  the  reign  of  Louis  Phil¬ 
ippe  to  public  gaze  and  contributed  not  a  little  to  the 
overthrow  of  that  monarch.  It  further  contains  a 
better  account  of  the  development  of  socialism  during 
that  period  than  can  be  obtained  elsewhere.  Louis 
Blanc  was  an  actor  in  the  events  of  the  ten  years  de¬ 
scribed,  and  understood  their  import.  He  saw  the 
separation  growing  ever  wider  and  wider  between  the 
bourgeoisie  and  the  fourth  estate,  and  the  political  in¬ 
fluence  which  the  latter  was  beginning  to  acquire,  and 
appreciated  the  significance  of  this  development  as 
no  other  writer.  His  work  has  consequently  become 
an  indispensable  source  of  information  regarding  the 


*  Small  12mo. 


LOUIS  BLANC. 


Ill 


reign  of  Louis  Philippe.  Next  to  the  “  History  of  the 
Ten  Years  ”  his  leading  historical  work  is  the  “  His¬ 
tory  of  the  French  Revolution”  —  “  Histoire  de  la 
Revolution  Fran9aise,”  published  in  twelve  volumes* 
in  the  years  1847-62.  A  second  edition  bears  the 
date  1864-70.  This  work  treats  of  a  period  wrkich  he 
did  not  understand  so  well  as  his  own  age.  Viewing 
the  events  described  through  the  eyes  of  a  nineteenth 
century  socialist,  he  does  not  always  appreciate  the 
underlying  spirit.  Nevertheless  the  work  is  a  note¬ 
worthy  one.  “  Charles  Sumner  used  to  say  that  the 
first  volume  wTas  one  of  those  profoundly  philosophical 
studies  which  mark  an  epoch  in  literature  and  in  the 
development  of  human  intelligence.”  f  Another  writer 
says  of  this  history  *.  “  By  many  eminent  judges  this 
has  been  considered  the  most  satisfactory  history  of 
the  revolution  yet  produced.  It  gives  evidence  of 
careful  and  ingenious  research,  abounds  in  most  strik¬ 
ing  delineations  of  character,  and  is  written  with  great 
energy  and  brilliancy  of  style.  The  portraiture  of 
Robespierre,  and  the  description  of  events  leading  to 
his  fall,  are  among  the  most  satisfactory  accounts  of 
the  subject  ever  presented.”  J 

Louis  Blanc  was  prominent  in  the  Revolution  of 
1848.  He  was  made  a  member  of  the  Provisional 
Government  in  February,  1848,  and  with  his  colleagues, 
Albert,  a  wTorkman,  and  Ledru-Rollin,  a  former  mem¬ 
ber  of  the  assembly,  attempted  to  commit  the  govern¬ 
ment  to  the  introduction  of  a  large  number  of  social¬ 
istic  measures.  The  majority  were,  however,  opposed 
to  him,  and  he  did  not  meet  with  a  great  measure  of 

*  8vo. 

f  G.  W.  Smalley,  New  York  Tribune ,  Feb.  4,  1883. 

j  C.  K.  Adams’s  “  Manual  of  Historical  Literature,”  p.  332. 


112 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


success,  although  the  droit  au  travail  was  proclaimed. 
This  is  the  technical  term  for  the  right  of  laborers  to 
demand  work  from  the  government  if  they  cannot  find 
it  elsewhere.*  He  demanded  the  creation  of  a  ministry 
of  labor  and  progress — minister e  du  travail  et  clu  pro- 
grte — which  should  concern  itself  with  the  interests  of 
labor.  Unable  to  obtain  the  consent  of  the  majority 
of  his  colleagues,  Louis  Blanc  tendered  his  resignation, 
but  -was  finally  induced  to  withdraw  it  and  content 
himself  with  the  presidency  of  a  powerless  commission 
appointed  to  meet  in  the  Luxembourg  and  debate. 
That  was  all — debate.  But  what  does  debate  without 
authority  signify  in  a  revolution  ?  It  means  the  loss 
of  precious  time  and  of  all  real  influence.  It  is  con¬ 
temptible  and  ridiculous  in  the  eyes  of  the  masses  at 
such  times.  Louis  Blanc  was  lost  when  he  consented 
to  the  formation  of  a  debating  club  as  a  substitute 
for  a  minist&re  du  progrbs.  This  was  the  purpose  of 
the  government.  They  made  a  pretext  of  carrying 
out  what  was  implied  in  the  droit  ait  travail  by  the 
erection  of  national  workshops  —  ateliers  nationaux. 
The  real  purpose  of  the  ministers  was  the  discredit 
of  Louis  Blanc,  who  had  proposed  ateliers  sociaux 
in  his  “  Organisation  du  Travail.”  They  planned  the 
foundation  of  sham  national  workshops,  which  should 
fail  and  demonstrate  the  impracticability  of  his  scheme, 
and  they  carried  out  the  programme  to  the  letter. 
M.  Marie,  the  Minister  of  Public  Works,  intrusted  the 
management  of  the  ateliers  to  l£mile  Thomas,  one  of 
Louis  Blanc’s  worst  enemies,  informing  Thomas  that 

*  For  a  satisfactory  description  of  the  true  import  of  this  measure, 
vide  John  Stuart  Mill’s  essay,  “  The  French  Revolution  of  1848  and 
its  Assailants;”  “Dissertations  and  Discussions”  (Am.  ed.),  vol.  iii. 
pp.  54-58. 


LOUIS  BLANC. 


113 


“  it  was  the  well-formed  intention  of  the  government  to 
try  this  experiment  of  the  commission  of  government 
for  laborers  ;  that  in  itself  it  could  not  fail  to  have  ' 
good  results,  because  it  would  demonstrate  to  the 
laborers  the  emptiness  and  falseness  of  these  inappli¬ 
cable  theories  and  cause  them  to  perceive  the  disas¬ 
trous  consequences  flowing  therefrom  for  themselves, 
and  would  so  discredit  Louis  Blanc  in  their  eyes  that 
he  should  forever  cease  to  be  a  danger.”  *  The  false 
reports  which  were  continually  being  circulated  con¬ 
cerning  the  ateliers  nationaux ,  especially  their  unjust 
attribution  to  him,  were  a  constant  source  of  annoy¬ 
ance  to  Louis  Blanc.  It  is  probable,  however,  that 
these  falsehoods  have  done  more  harm  to  the  de¬ 
fenders  of  law  and  order  than  to  the  socialists.  The 
true  state  of  the  case  is  now  generally  known,  and 
adds  bitterness  to  the  minds  of  French  and  German 
laborers.  The  continual  circulation  of  the  falsehood 
that  Louis  Blanc  had  tried  his  ateliers  sociaux  and 
they  had  failed,  enabled  Lassalle  to  begin  an  account 
of  them  with  the  startling  phrase  :  “  Die  Luge  ist 
eine  europaische  Macht  ”  —  “  Lying  is  one  of  the 
great  powers  of  Europe.”  f 

Louis  Blanc’s  power  was  of  short  duration.  Al¬ 
though  he  sacrified  his  popularity  with  the  laborers  in 
his  endeavors  to  maintain  peace  and  order,  he  was  ac¬ 
cused  of  participation  in  their  rising  of  May  15,  and 

*  Vide  “  Lorenz  von  Stein,”  iii.  S.  292. 

f  There  was  once  some  doubt  about  the  case,  but  the  publication 
of  official  documents  and  later  testimony  has  settled  the  question 
conclusively,  vide  article  on  Louis  Blanc  in  “  Nouvelle  Biographie 
Generale,  vol.  vi. ;  Roscher’s  “  Political  Economy,”  sec.  81,  note  6  ; 

E.  Thomas,  “  Ilistoire  des  Ateliers  Nationaux  ;”  Louis  Blanc,  “  His¬ 
torical  Revelations,”  and  “La  Revolution  de  1848,”  vol.  i.  ch.  xi. 

8 


114 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


fled  to  Belgium,  thence  to  England,  where  he  lived 
until  the  overthrow  of  Napoleon  III.,  in  1870.  Louis 
Blanc  was,  on  the  whole,  well  received  in  England,  and 
maintained  himself  by  literary  work  of  various  kinds. 
He  wrote  an  account  of  the  Revolution  of  1848,  which 
was  published  in  two  volumes,  in  1870,  in  Paris.  He 
was  the  English  correspondent  for  the  great  French 
newspaper  Le  Temps .  His  letters,  interesting  and  valu¬ 
able  essays  on  life  in  England,  were  published  in  four 
volumes  in  1866  and  1867,  in  Paris,  and  in  an  English 
translation  in  London  in  the  same  years.* 

The  8th  of  September,  1870,  witnessed  his  return  to 
France,  where  he  labored  for  the  Government  of  the 
National  Defence.  He  was  elected  to  the  National 
Assembly,  February  8,  1871,  and  took  his  place  on  the 
extreme  Left.  During  the  rising  of  the  Commune  of 
Paris  he  again  lost  popularity  with  laborers  of  revo¬ 
lutionary  sympathies,  by  opposing  the  insurrection  and 
taking  the  part  of  the  Government  of  Versailles.  The 
law  of  March  14,  1872,  directed  against  the  Inter¬ 
national  Workingmen’s  Association,  even  found  in 
him  a  supporter,  although  its  severity  is  certainly  ex¬ 
treme.  It  was  under  this  law  that  Prince  Krapotkine 
was  sentenced  to  five  years’  imprisonment. 

After  his  return  to  Paris  Louis  Blanc  published  a 
work  on  questions  of  the  time,  entitled  “  Questions 
d’Aujourd’hui  et  de  Demain.”f  He  continued  to  ad¬ 
vocate  quietly  his  doctrines  in  behalf  of  oppressed 


*  “Lettres  sur  l’Angleterre”  (Paris,  1866-67);  “Letters  on  Eng¬ 
land,”  translated  from  the  French  by  James  Hutton  and  revised  by 
the  author  (London,  1866,  2  vols.).  “Letters  on  England,”  second 
series,  translated  by  James  Hutton  and  L.  J.  Trotter  (London,  1867, 
2  vols.  in  one), 
f  Paris,  1873. 


LOUIS  BLANC. 


115 


humanity,  and  had  so  gained  in  public  estimation  that 
upon  his  death,  on  the  6th  of  December,  1882,  in  Can¬ 
nes,  France,  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  voted  him  the 
honor  of  a  state  funeral.* 

Louis  Blanc’s  is  a  character  which  it  is  difficult  to 
resist  loving,  so  frank,  generous,  simple,  and  whole- 
souled  was  he.  If  he  erred,  it  was  largely  because  he 
attributed  to  others  that  warmth  and  devotion  for 
common  interests  which  he  experienced,  and  that  high 
point  of  honor  which  guided  him.  His  tender  solici¬ 
tude  and  affection  for  his  wife  was  beautiful,  while 
his  love  for  his  brother  Charles,  the  writer  on  art,  has 
been  celebrated  far  and  wide.  It  is  even  said  that 
his  diminutive  size  was  due  to  his  sacrifices  in  behalf 
of  the  younger  brother,  to  whom  he  gave  the  largest 
share  of  the  lunch  which  they  carried  to  school.  A 
sympathetic  chord  seemed  to  connect  them,  for  when 
Charles  was  ill  in  the  summer  of  1882,  Louis,  to  whom 
the  news  had  not  been  communicated,  said  to  his 
friends,  “  Charles  is  ill :  he  is  in  danger.”  So  it  proved, 
for  Charles  soon  died.  The  affliction  was  a  heavy  blow 
to  the  surviving  brother,  and  probably  hastened  his 
own  death,  which  happened  only  a  few  months  later. 
“Charles  Blanc  was  a  kind  of  complement  to  Louis. 
The  delicacy  of  his  (Charles’s)  intellectual  nature  was 
a  source  of  ever -new  delight  to  the  politician  and 
man  of  the  people,  whose  heart  throbbed  for  all  the 
woes  and  wants  of  humanity,  and  whose  life  was  de¬ 
voted  to  action  rather  than  to  the  contemplation  of 
art.”f  This  intimate  affection  had  been  noticed  long 
before,  and  Alexander  Dumas  had  them  in  mind  when 


*  The  vote  was  380  to  85. 
f  Edward  King  in  Evening  Post ,  Dec.  28,  1882. 


116 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


he  wrote  his  “  Les  Frkres  Corses  ” — “  The  Corsican 
Brothers.” 

Louis’s  purity  of  character  and  his  honesty  of  purpose 
were  remarked  by  every  acquaintance.  Mr.  Smalley* 
applies  to  him  what  Emerson  said  of  Charles  Sumner  : 
“He  was  the  whitest  soul  I  ever  knew:”  and  con¬ 
tinues  :  “  If  ever  a  man  lived  free  from  stain,  it  was 
he  who  has  just  died.  All  his  life  long  the  fierce 
light  of  passionate  political  and  still  more  passionate 
social  controversies  beat  upon  him.  He  made  in¬ 
numerable  enemies  ;  he  was  the  object  of  innumer¬ 
able  calumnies.  Not  one  of  his  enemies  hated  the 
A  man ,  not  one  of  the  calumnies  touched  his  private 
worth.”  Karl  Blind,  his  friend,  thus  describes  his 
personal  appearance:  “A  very  small,  but  elegantly 
formed  man  ;  of  almost  Napoleonic  features,  as  may 
be  common  to  many  Corsicans  ;  entirely  beardless, 
which  was  rare  in  the  revolutionary  days.  The  glance 
of  his  dark,  prominent  eyes,  brilliant,  almost  spark¬ 
ling  ;  his  thick,  dark-brown  hair,  long  and  straight ; 
the  color  of  his  countenance  rather  dark.  Notwith¬ 
standing  his  short  figure — for  he  was  not  taller  than 
Thiers — an  impressive  appearance.”  f 

An  examination  of  Louis  Blanc’s  social  philosophy 
is  best  begun  by  asking  the  question :  what  is  in  his 
opinion  the  aim  of  life  ?  The  answer  to  it  is  the 
starting-point  from  which  all  his  arguments  proceed. 
Louis  Blanc  finds  the  purpose  of  human  existence  to  be 
happiness  and  development.  Any  acceptable,  any  toler¬ 
able  organization  of  society  must  make  both  possible 
for  every  single  human  being.  While  development 


*  In  the  letter  in  the  New  York  Tribune  already  referred  to. 
f  Die  Gegenwctrt ,  6.  Januar,  1883. 


LOUIS  BLANC. 


117 


may  come  first,  “  it  is  repugnant  to  reason  to  admit 
in  the  theory  of  progress  that  humanity  ought  for¬ 
ever  to  be  a  victim  of  I  do  not  know  what  strange  and 
terrible  combat  between  the  flesh  and  the  spirit.”* 
But  what  does  development  imply  ?  It  signifies  that 
every  one  should  enjoy  precisely  those  means  which 
are  required  for  his  largest  mental,  moral,  and  physi¬ 
cal  growth  ;  or,  to  express  it  in  a  word,  for  the  perfec¬ 
tion  of  his  personality.  These  requirements  are  for 
each  individual  his  needs .  The  next  question  we  have 
to  ask  is  this :  Does  our  present  society  guarantee  to 
every  member  of  it  his  needs  ?  If  it  does  not,  it  must 
be  condemned.  Obviously  it  does  not.  It  is  a  war 
of  all  against  all,  a  helium  omnium  contra  omnes.  It 
is  a  society  whose  fundamental  principle  is  competi¬ 
tion,  and  competition  means  universal  warfare.  Every 
man’s  hand  is  against  his  brother.  Individualism 
reigns,  the  principle  of  which  is  that,  “  taking  man 
outside  of  society,  it  renders  him  the  sole  and  exclu¬ 
sive  judge  of  that  which  surrounds  him,  gives  him  an 
exalted  sentiment  of  his  rights  without  indicating  to 
him  his  duties,  abandons  him  to  his  own  powers,  and 
proclaims  laissez  - faire  as  the  only  rule  of  govern¬ 
ment.”!  The  result  of  this  is  want  and  misery,  ren¬ 
dering  the  fulfilment  of  his  destiny  impossible  to  man. 
This  must  be  corrected  by  a  new  organization  of 
labor,  which,  abandoning  individualism,  private  prop¬ 
erty,  and  private  competition,  the  fundamentals  of  ex¬ 
isting  society,  shall  adopt  fraternity  as  its  controlling 
principle.  “Fraternity  means  that  we  are  all  com¬ 
mon  members  {memhres  solidaires )  of  one  great  family  ; 

*  “  Organisation  du  Travail,”  9th  ed.  p.  9. 

f  Quoted  from  Louis  Blanc,  by  II.  Baudrillart  in  his  “  Publicistes 
Modernes”  (Paris,  1863),  p.  308. 


118 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


that  society,  the  work  of  man,  ought  to  be  organized 
on  the  model  of  the  human  body,  the  work  of  God  ; 
and  found  the  power  of  governing  upon  persuasion, 
upon  the  voluntary  consent  of  the  hearts  of  the  gov¬ 
erned.”  * 

Let  it  not  be  objected  that  our  aim,  the  abolition 
of  misery,  is  materialistic.  “  The  most  exalted  spirit¬ 
ualism  reposes  on  the  suppression  of  misery.  Who 
does  not  know  it  ?  Misery  restrains  the  intelligence 
of  man  in  darkness,  in  confining  education  within 
shameful  limits.  Misery  counsels  always  the  sacrifice 
of  personal  dignity  and  almost  always  demands  it. 
Misery  places  him  whose  character  is  independent  in 
a  position  of  dependence,  so  as  to  conceal  a  new  tor¬ 
ment  in  a  virtue  and  to  change  into  gall  what  there 
is  of  nobility  in  his  blood.  If  misery  creates  long- 
suffering,  it  engenders  also  crime.  ...  It  makes  slaves  ; 
it  makes  the  greater  part  of  thieves,  assassins  and 
prostitutes.”!  The  work  before  us  is  then  eminently 
moral.  It  is  the  work  which  God  would  have  us  do. 
In  Louis  Blanc’s  own  words  :  “  In  demanding  that 
the  right  to  live  should  be  regulated,  should  be  guar¬ 
anteed,  one  does  much  more  than  demand  that  mill¬ 
ions  of  unhappy  beings  should  be  rescued  from  the 
oppression  of  force  or  of  chance  ;  one  embraces,  in  its 
highest  generalization  and  in  its  most  profound  sig¬ 
nification,  the  cause  of  humanity ;  one  greets  the 
Creator  in  his  labor.  Whenever  the  certainty  of  be¬ 
ing  able  to  live  by  one’s  labor  does  not  result  from 
the  essence  of  social  institutions,  iniquity  reigns.”  The 
first  step  then  is  the  contrivance  of  means  which  shall 

*  Quoted  in  Baudrillart,  ibid.  Cf.  “  Droit  au  Travail,”  pp.  9,  10. 

f  “  Organisation  du  Travail,”  p.  4.  Cf.  “  Histoire  de  la  Revolution 
de  1848,”  pp.  265,  266. 


LOUIS  BLANC. 


119 


guarantee  to  every  one  the  certainty  of  finding  work 
i.  e .,  the  droit  au  travail.  This  must  be  accomplished 
by  the  erection  on  the  part  of  the  state  of  social  work¬ 
shops,  ateliers  sociaux,  “  destined  to  replace  gradually 
and  without  shocks  individual  ateliers”  *  Violence 
of  every  kind  is  deprecated  as  injurious,  as  produc¬ 
tive  of  ruin.f  The  poor  cannot  now  combine  and 
produce  for  themselves  without  the  intervention  of 
capitalists,  because  they  lack  the  instruments  of  labor. 
It  is  the  function  of  the  state  to  furnish  these  and 
thus  become  the  banker  of  the  poor.  It  must  found 
the  ateliers  sociaux ,  pass  laws  for  their  government, 
watch  over  the  administration  of  these  laws  as  of 
other  laws,  and  do  this  for  the  profit  of  all. J  For  the 
first  year  only  the  state  regulates  the  “  hierarchy  of 
functions,”  that  is  to  say,  assigns  to  each  one  his  place 
in  accordance  with  his  ability,  his  faculties.  After 
the  expiration  of  the  first  year  the  laborers  will  soon 
become  acquainted  with  each  other,  and  will  then  elect 
their  own  chiefs.§  This  all  requires  funds.  Whence 
are  they  to  come  ?  The  state  is  to  grant  its  credit  in 
aid  of  the  ateliers ,  and  for  this  credit  no  interest  is  to 
be  charged  ;  it  is  to  be  gratuitous.  The  state  will  re¬ 
pay  the  loans  by  general  taxation  and  by  the  revenues 
derived  from  the  management  of  railways,  which  must 
become  public  property,  and  from  other  public  under¬ 
takings,  as  mines,  insurances,  and  banking.  || 

The  absorption  of  private  industry  will  be  gradual. 
The  public  ateliers  will  all  be  united  from  the  start 

*  “Organisation  du  Travail,”  p.  IB. 

f  “  Droit  au  Travail”  (Paris,  1849),  pp.  65-67 ;  “  Organisation  du 
Travail,”  pp.  18,  19. 

X  Ibid.  pp.  13,  14,  17,  18,  199.  §  Ibid.  p.  71. 

|  Article  3  on  p.  120  of  “Organisation  du  Travail.” 


120 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


into  a  grand  federation,  and  will  form  a  mutual  insur¬ 
ance  company,  so  that  the  losses  of  one  may  be  made 
good  by  the  profits  of  others.  One  part  of  all  profits 
will  be  set  aside  for  this  purpose.*  Capitalists  will  at 
once  be  invited  to  join  these  associations,  and  will  be 
■/  paid  interest  on  whatever  capital  they  put  into  the 
ateliers,  besides  receiving  their  wages  like  other  labor¬ 
ers.  While  no  one  is  to  be  forced  by  law  to  join  the  so¬ 
cial  workshops,  the  competition  of  the  ateliers  sociaax , 
working  without  the  payment  of  interest  and  with  all 
the  advantages  of  a  vast  combination,  will  before  long 
become  so  severe  that  all  private  employers  will  be 
glad  to  fall  in  line  to  save  themselves  from  ruin. 
Then  the  socialistic  state  will  have  been  formed.  It 
is  for  the  interest  of  the  rich  as  well  as  the  poor. 
They  will  then  enjoy  safety,  tranquillity  and  the  sat¬ 
isfaction  of  observing  universal  happiness,  whereas 
they  are  now  harassed  by  all  sorts  of  dangers  and 
anxieties,  born  of  individualism  and  private  competi¬ 
tion.  f 

We  have  finally  to  inquire  what  is  the  principle  in 
accordance  with  which  functions  (positions,  offices) 
and  remuneration  are  distributed  among  the  workers 
in  the  ateliers  sociaux?  What  is  the  ideal  of  social 
justice  ? 

First,  as  to  the  social  hierarchy,  or  social  rank. 
Faculties,  powers,  abilities,  are  of  almost  infinite  va¬ 
riety  in  man.  They  are,  however,  all  talents  meant  to 
be  used  for  others.  Have  I  great  strength  ?  In  giv¬ 
ing  it  to  me  God  measured  thereby  my  obligations 
to  society.  The  same  holds  regarding  mental  acumen, 
profundity  of  thought,  poetic  imagination,  a  fine  voice, 


*  “  Organisation  du  Travail,”  pp.  72, 114, 120.  f  Loc.  cit.  pp.  18, 19. 


LOUIS  BLANC. 


121 


etc.  We  must  then  be  so  placed  that  we  can  use  to 
the  full  our  capacities.  These  are  the  measure  of  our 
rank  in  the  ordering  of  society.  “Man  has  received 
of  nature  certain  faculties  —  faculties  of  loving,  of 
knowing,  of  acting.  But  these  have  by  no  means  been 
given  him  in  order  that  he  should  exercise  them  soli¬ 
tarily  ;  they  are  but  the  supreme  indication  of  that 
which  each  one  owes  to  the  society  of  which  he  is  a 
member  ;  and  this  indication  each  one  bears  written 
in  his  organization  in  letters  of  fire.  If  you  are  twice 
as  strong  as  your  neighbor  it  is  a  proof  that  nature 
has  destined  you  to  bear  a  double  burden.*  If  your 
intelligence  is  superior,  it  is  a  sign  that  your  mission 
is  to  scatter  about  you  more  light.  Weakness  is  a 
creditor  of  strength  ;  ignorance  of  learning.  The 
more  a  man  can  (pent),  the  more  he  ought  {doit) ;  and 
this  is  the  meaning  of  those  beautiful  words  of  the 
gospel :  4  Whosoever  will  be  chief  among  you,  let  him 
be  your  servant.’  Whence  the  axiom,  From  every  one 
according  to  his  facidties  ;  that  is  one’s  duty.”  f 

But  this  is  only  one  half  of  the  formula  of  ideal 
justice.  It  shows  what  each  is  to  give.  What  is 
each  to  receive?  We  saw  that  the  Saint-Simonians 
constructed  their  social  hierarchy  in  accordance  with 
capacity.  They  added,  however,  that  reward  must 
be  proportioned  to  works.  “  To  each  one  according 
to  his  capacity,  to  each  capacity  according  to  its 
works.”  But  is  that  a  high  moral  standard  ?  Ought 
we  to  complete  our  formula  in  that  way  ?  Is  it  not 
selfish  and  hard?  Would  it  not  condemn  the  weak 
and  feeble  to  extinction  ?  Has  not  God,  in  our  wants, 

*  “We  then  that  are  strong  ought  to  bear  the  infirmities  of  tho 
weak.” — Rom.  xv.  1. 

f  “  Histoire  de  la  Revolution  de  1848,”  vol.  i.  pp.  147,  148. 


122  FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 

our  needs,  given  us  a  different  indication  ?  So  thought 
Louis  Blanc.  Not  equality,  but  needs,  are  to  deter¬ 
mine  the  distribution  of  products.  Each  one  must 
have  whatever  he  truly  needs,  in  so  far  and  in  propor¬ 
tion  as  the  means  of  society  will  admit  it.  “  All  men 
are  not  equal  in  physical  force,  in  intelligence  ;  all 
have  not  the  same  tastes,  the  same  inclinations,  the 
same  aptitudes,  any  more  than  they  have  the  same 
visage  or  the  same  figure  ;  but  it  is  just,  it  is  in  the 
general  interest,  it  is  in  conformity  with  the  principle 
of  solidarity,  established  in  accordance  with  the  laws 
of  nature,  that  each  one  should  be  placed  in  a  condi¬ 
tion  to  derive  the  greatest  possible  advantage  from 
his  faculties  in  so  far  as  this  can  be  done  with  due  re¬ 
gard  to  others,  and  to  satisfy  as  completely  as  possible, 
without  injuring  others,  the  needs  which  nature  has 
given  him.  Thus  there  is  no  health  and  vigor  in  the 
human  body  unless  each  member  receives  that  which 
is  able  to  preserve  it  from  pain  and  to  enable  it  to  ac¬ 
complish  properly  its  peculiar  function.  Equality, 
then,  is  only  proportionality,  and  it  exists  in  a  true 
manner  only  when  each  one  in  accordance  with  the 
law  written  in  some  shape  in  his  organization  by  God 
himself,  produces  according  to  his  faculties  and 

CONSUMES  ACCORDING  TO  HIS  WANTS.”  *  Here  WO 
have  the  formula  of  perfect  justice  complete. 

We  see,  then,  that  Louis  Blanc  was  not  an  egalitaire. 
He  opposed  equality  as  unnatural  and  unjust. f  He 
was,  however,  unwilling  to  adopt  works  as  a  basis 
of  inequality.  It  would,  nevertheless,  amount  in  the 
end  to  pretty  much  the  same,  although  the  animating 


*  “  Organisation  du  Travail,”  p.  72. 

f  Cf.  loc.  cit.  pp.  72,  73,  77,  187,  188,  195,  196,  207,  208,  et  passim. 


LOUIS  BLANC. 


123 


spirit  might  be  different.  Who  would  occupy  the  su¬ 
perior  positions  in  Louis  Blanc’s  ideal  state?  Natu¬ 
rally  the  ablest,  the  largest  natures.  But  those  are 
precisely  the  ones  whose  needs  are  greatest.  The 
true  wants  of  the  ignorant  day  laborer  are  simple  and 
easily  satisfied.  Books  tire  him,  grand  music  wearies 
him,  while  he  turns  away  uninterested  from  the  great¬ 
est  painting  of  an  old  master.  How  different  are  the 
wants  of  a  sensitive,  refined  nature  like  Louis  Blanc 
himself  ;  how  much  larger,  how  much  more  expensive 
to  gratify  !  It  is,  indeed,  pleasant  to  think  of  society 
as  one  vast  Christian  family,  in  which  each  would 
gladly  contribute  to  the  common  good  in  proportion 
to  his  faculties,  and  in  which  all  would  cheerfully  ac¬ 
cord  to  every  member  whatever  he  truly  needed  for 
his  most  perfect  development.  But  does  the  attempt 
to  bring  about  such  a  state  of  society  take  men  as 
they  are  or  presuppose  them  as  they  ought  to  be  ?  It 
is  truly  a  glorious  ideal !  but  will  it  ever  become  a 
reality  this  side  of  the  golden  gates  of  Paradise  ? 


124 


FEENCH  AND  GEEMAN  SOCIALISM. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

PEOUDHON. 

The  principle  of  authority  occupied  a  prominent 
place  in  the  socialistic  schemes  of  Saint-Simon  and 
Louis  Blanc.  The  former  planned  a  religious  society 
in  which  the  priests  should  exercise  undisputed  sway 
over  the  production  and  distribution  of  goods,  assign¬ 
ing  to  each  member  of  the  society  his  proper  rank 
and  rewarding  him  in  proportion  to  his  services.  The 
latter  expressly  demanded  a  strong  government,  in 
order  that  it  might  be  able  to  transform  the  economic 
life  of  the  people  by  the  erection  of  social  workshops, 
although  a  large  amount  of  local  self-government  was 
in  the  end  to  be  allowed  to  each  group  of  workers. 
Fourier  did  not  explicitly  reject  the  principle  of  au¬ 
thority,  but  contrived  a  system  in  which  it  should  bo 
easy  and  natural  to  rule  and  to  be  ruled,  in  so  far  as 
any  ruling  was  necessary.  There  existed  in  his  mind 
still  a  large  and  compact  social  organization.  Ho 
made  war,  not  on  authority  in  itself,  but  upon  all  re¬ 
straint  placed  on  the  desires  and  passions  of  man.  He 
thought  a  natural  combination  of  these  rendered  com¬ 
pulsion  unnecessary.  There  was  thus  room  left  for 
another  advance  in  the  development  of  French  social¬ 
ism.  A  problem  which  had  not  as  yet  been  attempted, 
was  to  unite  absolute  and  unqualified  individualism 
with  perfect  justice  in  the  production  of  goods,  and 


PROUDHON. 


125 


in  their  distribution.  Does  not  this  imply  a  contra¬ 
diction  ?  Can  there  be  such  a  thing  as  individualistic 
socialism  ?  or  socialistic  individualism  ?  Can  collec¬ 
tivism  and  anarchy  obtain  in  the  same  group  of  peo¬ 
ple  ?  Do  they  not  mutually  exclude  each  other  ? 
What  matter  !  The  task  must  be  tried  ;  and  a  man 
appeared  on  the  scene  who  delighted  in  contradictions, 
and  thought  that  truth  sprang  out  of  their  union. 
This  man  was  Proudhon. 

Pierre- Joseph  Proudhon  was  born  July  15,  1809, 
in  Besan9on,  of  humble  parents.  His  father  was  a 
cooper,  while  his  mother  was  a  bright  and  vigorous 
country  girl.  He  was  of  the  people,  the  masses,  and  he 
spoke  of  it  freely  as  an  advantage.  Proudhon  pro¬ 
fessed  that  he  always  remained  one  of  them  and  thus 
knew  their  life.  It  was  early  necessary  that  he  should 
assist  in  his  support,  and  this  he  did  by  agricultural 
labor,  in  particular  by  guarding  the  cows  as  they 
pastured  on  the  mountains  of  the  Jura.  Later  he  be¬ 
came  a  waiter  in  a  restaurant.  Time  was,  however, 
found  for  the  school  and  the  college,  where  he  distin¬ 
guished  himself  for  unusual  talents  and  carried  off  a 
large  number  of  prizes  and  honors.  The  public  li¬ 
brary  furnished  him  with  reading-matter,  so  that  he 
read  a  large  number  of  books  before  he  was  fourteen. 
He  used  to  call  for  as  many  as  six  books  at  a  time.  At 
the  age  of  nineteen  Proudhon  was  compelled  to  leave 
the  college  in  order  to  assist  his  father,  whose  business 
had  fallen  into  a  sad  condition.  He  learned  the  print¬ 
er’s  trade  and  soon  became  a  corrector  in  a  publish¬ 
ing  house  of  some  note,  which  became  to  him  a  school. 
The  house  published  a  large  number  of  theological 
works,  which  he  perused  so  carefully  that  it  was  after¬ 
wards  supposed  that  he  had  studied  at  a  theological 


126 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


seminary.  He  learned  Hebrew  when  they  published 
a  Bible  with  an  interlinear  translation.  The  result 
was  that  he  was  able  to  contribute  a  number  of  theo¬ 
logical  articles  to  the  “  Encyclopedic  Catholique.” 

The  Academie  de  Besan9on  having  honors  and  prizes 
to  distribute,  proposed  every  year  a  subject  for  an  es¬ 
say.  In  1839  the  subject  was  “The  Utility  of  the 
Celebration  of  Sunday.”  Proudhon  competed  for  the 
prize,  but  was  not  successful,  although  the  book  met 
with  some  praise,  and  passed  through  two  editions  in 
two  years.  He  had,  however,  already  been  fortunate 
enough  to  secure  a  pension  of  1500  francs,  which  had 
been  founded  to  encourage  literature  and  science,  and 
placed  in  charge  of  the  Academie.  Besides  his  work 
demonstrating  the  utility  of  the  observation  of  Sun¬ 
day,  Proudhon  had  written  several  essays  of  more  or 
less  merit  on  comparative  philology,  and  he  was  con¬ 
sidered  a  very  promising  young  man.  But  he  was 
thinking  all  this  time  of  means  to  elevate  the  laboring 
classes.  When  he  solicited  the  votes  of  the  Academie 
for  the  pension,  he  told  them  plainly  that  it  was  his 
intention  to  direct  his  studies  towards  the  means  of 
ameliorating  the  physical,  moral,  and  intellectual  con¬ 
dition  of  the  most  numerous  and  the  poorest  class. 
In  a  letter  to  Paul  Ackermann,  a  distinguished  man 
of  letters,  with  whom  he  had  formed  a  connection,  he 
wrote  as  follows,  concerning  the  congratulations  he 
had  received  on  being  awarded  the  pension  :  “  I  have 
received  the  congratulations  of  more  than  two  hun¬ 
dred  people.  Why  do  you  think  that  people  felicitate 
me?  Because  it  is  almost  certain  that  I  shall  attain 
honors  equal  to  those  which  the  Jouffroys,  the  Pouil- 
lets  have  obtained,  and  perhaps,  I  am  told,  even  greater 
honors.  No  one  has  come  to  me  and  said  :  ‘  Proudhon, 


PROUDHON. 


127 


you  ought  before  everything  else  to  devote  yourself 
to  the  cause  of  the  poor,  to  the  enfranchisement  of 
the  little  ones,  to  the  instruction  of  the  people.  You 
will  perhaps  be  an  abomination  to  the  rich  and  power¬ 
ful  ;  pursue  your  way  as  a  reformer  regardless  of  per¬ 
secutions,  of  calumny,  of  sorrow,  and  of  death  itself.’  ”  * 

About  this  time  he  founded  a  printing  establish¬ 
ment  in  his  native  city,  which  appears  never  to  have 
flourished  greatly.  He  had  already  taken  up  the 
study  of  political  economy,  in  addition  to  theology 
and  philology,  to  both  of  which  he  hereafter  devoted 
comparatively  little  attention.  One  of  his  first  in¬ 
structors  in  his  new  study  was  the  able  economist, 
Pellegrino  Rossi.  His  economic  studies  bore  fruit  in 
1840,  in  his  work  on  property,  “  Qu’est-ce  que  la  Pro¬ 
priety  ?  ”  f — “  What  is  Property  ?  ”  A  startling  an¬ 
swer  to  the  question  is  given  —  viz.,  “Property  is 
theft”  and  “Property-holders  are  thieves.” 

The  work  marks  a  new  epoch  in  the  history  of  so¬ 
cialism,  on  several  accounts.  First,  he  attacks  in  it  di¬ 
rectly  the  chief  support  of  individualism  and  the  great¬ 
est  obstacle  to  the  realization  of  communism — private 
property.  Others  had  proposed  phalansteries,  relig¬ 
ious  sects,  and  social  workshops,  all  presupposing  the 
abolition  of  private  property  ;  but  Proudhon  was  the 
first  to  attempt  to  prove  directly  and  scientifically 
that  private  property  per  se  was  a  monstrosity — was 
robbery.  Again,  he  set  an  example  of  harsh  and  rude 
attacks  on  classes  and  institutions,  which  modern  so¬ 
cial  democrats  have  not  been  slow  to  follow.  He 

*  Quoted  from  Samte-Beuve’s  “P.-J.  Proudhon,  Sa  Vie  et  sa  Corre- 
spondance”  (1872),  by  II.  Baudrillart,  in  his  article  on  Proudhon  in 
the  Revue  des  deux  Mondes,  1873. 

f  New  edition  (Paris,  1873,  tome  i.)  of  “  (Euvres  Completes.” 


128 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


could  easily  have  expressed  the  thought  which  he 
wished  to  convey  otherwise  than  by  using  the  word 
“  theft,”  but  he  preferred  the  cruel,  biting  expression. 
Likewise,  in  condemning  the  God  of  the  theologians, 
he  cried  out,  “  God  is  the  evil !”  (“  Dieu  tfest  le  mall”) 
Very  likely  he  simply  meant  to  condemn  certain  ideas 
concerning  God,  but  it  was  not  at  all  necessary  for 
him  to  use  an  expression  sure  to  give  offence  and  pain 
to  many  good  people.  In  the  same  way  he  was  not 
content  to  call  property-holders  thieves.  He  says  else¬ 
where  that  the  “  proprietor  is  essentially  a  libidinous 
animal,  without  virtue  and  without  shame.” 

This  reveals  another  side  of  Proudhon’s  character. 
He  felt  for  the  poor,  but  he  hated  the  rich  as  a  class, 
if  not  individually.  He  tells  us  himself  that  he  first 
experienced  a  feeling  of  shame  on  account  of  poverty, 
but  finding  existence  intolerable  while  tormented  by 
such  a  humiliating  feeling,  he  succeeded  in  transform¬ 
ing  it  into  hate  and  anger.  Afterwards  his  hatred 
turned  into  contempt  and  he  became  calmer,  though 
it  is  probable  that  he  always  retained  a  certain  bitter¬ 
ness  of  feeling.  He  writes  to  the  Academie  de  Be- 
sangon  :  “  When  I  sought  to  become  your  pensioner,  I 
was  full  of  hate  for  that  which  exists  and  of  projects 
of  destruction.  My  hatred  of  privilege  and  of  the  au¬ 
thority  of  man  was  without  measure.  Perhaps  I  was 
sometimes  wrong  in  confounding  in  my  indignation 
persons  and  things  ;  at  present  I  only  know  how  to 
despise  and  complain.  In  order  to  cease  to  hate,  it 
J  was  only  necessary  for  me  to  understand.”  * 

In  the  third  place,  this  book  is  remarkable,  because 
so  many  modern  socialistic  schools  can  be  traced  back 


*  Preface  to  “  Qu’est-ce  que  la  Propriete  ?”  p.  5. 


PROUDHON. 


129 


to  it.  The  ideas  of  the  anarchists  of  France  at  the 
present  time  are  well  presented  in  it.  We  also  find 
in  it  a  good  presentation  of  that  part  of  Marx’s  doc¬ 
trine  of  value  which  treats  of  labor-time  as  the  meas¬ 
ure  of  value,  and  the  portion  of  the  products  which 
the  capitalist  takes  under  the  name  of  profits  as  rob¬ 
bery.  Marx  developed  it,  and  doubtless  understood 
its  import  better  than  Proudhon,  but  nevertheless  the 
germs  of  his  most  important  theory  are  very  plainly 
contained  in  this  work  on  Property.* 

Finally,  the  essay  on  Property  is  important  be¬ 
cause  it  led  socialists  and  even  political  economists 
to  a  revision  of  their  theories  and  a  more  careful  ob¬ 
servation  of  facts.  Louis  Blanc  discouraged  fantasti¬ 
cal  and  supernatural  schemes  of  reform  ;  but  the  sharp, 
cutting  criticism  of  Proudhon,  directed  now  against 
the  communists,  now  against  the  Saint-Simonians  and 
Fourierists,  now  against  the  political  economists,  ren¬ 
dered  them  impossible.  High-priests  and  revealers  of 
visions  could  henceforth  count  on  no  favor  on  the  part 
of  the  laborers. 

Proudhon  disposed  of  his  printing  establishment  in 
1843,  but  at  such  a  loss  as  to  leave  him  in  debt  to  the 
amount  of  7000  francs,  which,  however,  he  was  finally 
able  to  pay.  His  next  business  enterprise  was  the  for¬ 
mation  of  a  connection  wTith  a  company  which  was  en¬ 
gaged  in  transportation  on  the  Saone  and  the  Rhone. 
This  occupation  lasted  five  years,  but  he  did  not,  in 

*  Chap.  iv.  2d  Proposition.  I  do  not  mean  to  assert  positively  that 
Marx  borrowed  his  ideas  from  Proudhon.  He  was  more  indebted  to 
Ilodbertus,  who,  contemporaneously  with  Proudhon,  but  probably  in¬ 
dependently  of  him,  was  carrying  on  similar  investigation  and  arriv¬ 
ing  at  similar  results.  It  is,  however,  true  that  Proudhon  was  the 
first  of  the  three  to  publish  an  extensive  presentation  of  his  ideas. 

9 


130 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


the  meantime,  cease  his  literary  labors.  In  1846  he 
published  his  “  Systeme  des  Contradictions  fico- 
nomiques  ou  Philosophic  de  la  Misere.”  *  If  the 
work,  “  Qu’est-ce  que  la  Propriete  ?  ”  ranks  first  in  im¬ 
portance  of  all  his  works,  this  certainly  occupies  the 
second  place.  It  contains  a  sharp  criticism  of  social¬ 
istic  and  economic  theories,  which  he  opposes  to  one 
another,  and  shows  that  they  are  mutually  destruc¬ 
tive.  Here,  as  elsewhere,  no  one  has  doubted  the 
merit  of  his  criticism.  He  adopted  as  the  motto  of 
the  book  “  Destruam  et  cedificabo  ” — “  I  will  destroy 
v  and  I  will  build  up  again.”  He  was  powerful  as  a  de¬ 
stroyer,  but  weak  as  a  constructor.  He  could  not  keep 
the  second  part  of  his  promise.  He  had  become  im¬ 
perfectly  acquainted  with  the  Hegelian  logic  at  sec¬ 
ond-hand  through  Carl  Griin,  who  became  his  transla¬ 
tor,  and  he  sought  to  unite  contradictories,  “  thesis  ” 
and  “  antithesis,”  into  a  “  synthesis.”  But  Hegel  is 
not  an  author  whom  a  Frenchman  is  likely  to  under¬ 
stand,  and  Proudhon  did  not  succeed  well  in  the  use 
of  his  logical  method. 

Proudhon  took  no  part  in  the  Revolution  of  Febru¬ 
ary,  as  he  was  not  a  politician,  holding  that  all  forms 
of  government  were  equally  vicious,  and  it  was  of 
little  importance  whether  this  or  that  party  triumphed. 
He  held  himself  aloof  from  any  participation  in  the 
events  which  were  transpiring  until  the  political  rev¬ 
olution  was  past,  in  order  then  to  make  his  power 
more  effectually  felt  in  the  settlement  of  social  ques¬ 
tions.  In  April  he  became  editor  of  the  Representant 
da  Peuple ,  and  in  June  he  was  elected,  by  a  large  ma¬ 
jority,  to  the  Constituent  Assembly  as  one  of  the  repre- 


*  Yols.  iv.  and  v.  of  “  CEuvres  Completes.” 


PROUDHON. 


131 


sentatives  of  the  Departement  de  la  Seine.  After  he 
had  seen  the  various  social  parties  retire,  defeated, 
from  the  scene,  one  after  another,  it  became  his  turn 
to  present  positive  measures  of  social  reform.  He  had 
combated  all  socialistic  sects,  while  maintaining  per¬ 
sistently  his  position  as  a  friend  of  the  poor.  What 
had  he  to  offer,  now  that  he  had  assisted  to  overthrow 
every  plan  of  improvement  which  had  been  proposed  ? 
On  the  31st  of  July  he  brought  forward  his  scheme  of 
organization  of  credit,  which  would  guarantee  labor 
to  all  in  the  only  effectual  way,  as  it  would  furnish 
every  one  with  the  instruments  of  labor.  What  this 
was  we  will  consider  presently.  It  is  only  necessary 
to  state  that  it  was  rejected  by  the  overwhelming  ma¬ 
jority  of  691  to  2.*  He  attempted  the  execution  of 
his  plan  without  the  aid  of  the  state,  by  the  erection 
of  a  bank,  which  failed  about  April  1,  1849,  after  an 
existence  of  a  few  weeks.  Thus  ended  the  attempt  of 
the  last  great  French  socialist  to  carry  out  a  scheme 
of  social  and  economic  regeneration.  Proudhon’s  pa¬ 
per  was  suppressed,  but  it  reappeared  twice  under 
different  names,  before  the  arrest  and  sentence  of  its 
editor  to  three  years’  imprisonment  for  breaking  the 
press-laws  terminated  its  existence.  During  his  im¬ 
prisonment  he  wrote  his  “  La  Revolution  Sociale 
Demontree  par  le  Coup  d’fitat  du  2  Decembre” — 
“The  Social  Revolution  Demonstrated  by  the  Coup 
d’fitat  of  2d  December”  (1851).  This  created  a  sen¬ 
sation,  and  six  editions  were  sold  in  less  than  six 
months.f  His  imprisonment  terminated  on  the  4th 
of  June,  1852,  and  he  retired  to  private  life.  He  had 


*  Details  given  in  “  CEuvres  Completes,”  vol.  vii.  pp.  263-313. 
\  New  edition  (Paris,  1864)  of  “  (Euvres  Completes,”  tome  vii. 


132 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


been  married  in  1850  to  the  daughter  of  a  merchant, 
and  it  is  said  that  his  conduct  as  a  husband  and  a 
father  was  exemplary.  It  is  necessary  to  mention 
only  one  other  work  which  he  wrote — viz.,  “  De  la 
Justice  dans  la  Revolution  et  dans  1’Eglise  ” — which 
appeared  in  1858.*  He  shows  in  this  book  that  out¬ 
side  of  the  Catholic  Church  and  Christianity  there  is 
no  God,  no  theology,  no  religion,  and  no  faith.  Has 
Proudhon  become  a  Catholic  and  a  conservative  ?  By 
no  means.  He  immediately  proceeds  to  demonstrate 
that  the  Church  is  ever  in  conflict  with  justice.  The 
book  was  seized  eight  days  after  its  appearance,  its 
author  tried,  and  sentenced  to  a  fine  of  4000  francs 
and  to  three  years’  imprisonment,  which  he  escaped 
by  flight  to  Belgium,  where  he  remained  until  an  am¬ 
nesty  in  1860  allowed  him  to  return  to  France.  He 
died  in  Passy  in  1865. 

It  is  necessary  to  dwell  more  at  length  on  three 
points  in  Proudhon’s  teachings — viz.,  his  ideas  con¬ 
cerning  property,  government,  and  positive  reform. 

“Property  is  theft,”  says  Proudhon.  Every  ar¬ 
gument  brought  forward  to  sustain  it  destroys  the 
institution.  Some  seek  to  justify  it  by  the  theory 
of  occupation,  in  accordance  with  which  theory  that 
which  belongs  to  no  one  becomes  the  property 
of  him  who  takes  possession  of  it.f  But  if  this  be 
admitted,  then  property  depends  upon  the  accidents 
of  number  of  population  and  extent  of  territory. 
Those  who  are  born  too  late  will  be  property-less. 
However,  if  the  soil  originally  belonged  to  no  private 


*  “(Euvres  Completes,”  vols.  xxi.-xxvi. 

t  The  formula  of  Roman  law  is  “  Res  nullius  cedit  primo  occu¬ 
pant!” 


PROUDHON. 


133 


individual  it  must  have  belonged  to  all  collectively, 
and  all  will  not  and  cannot  renounce  their  right  to 
this  common  possession.  If  I  fashion  a  plough  it  is 
mine,  because  I  made  it.  Who  made  the  earth?  God. 
Well,  let  him  then  demand  a  rent  for  it — let  him  take 
his  own.  But  this  he  will  not  do.  His  gifts  are  free. 
We  see  that  the  theory  of  occupation  presupposes 
common  property,  and  that  cannot  be  surrendered 
any  more  than  life  or  liberty. 

The  second  theory  of  property  is  the  labor  theory. 
But  this  theory  likewise  destroys  property.  That 
only  is  mine  which  I  produce.  The  earth  is  mine  only 
so  long  as  I  cultivate  it.  The  moment  another  labors 
on  my  farm  it  becomes  his  property.  Again,  labor 
presupposes  the  instruments  of  labor,  and  where  is 
one  to  obtain  these  in  a  system  of  private,  personal 
property,  provided  one  does  not  already  possess  them  ? 
The  theory  of  labor  demands  the  abolition  of  proper¬ 
ty,  in  order  that  every  one  may  have  free  access  to 
the  soil  and  to  the  other  instruments  of  labor. 

Property  is  robbery  because  it  enables  him  who  has 
not  produced  to  consume  the  fruits  of  other  people’s 
toil.  What  I  produce  is  worth  what  it  costs — i.  e., 
the  time  and  economic  goods  which  enter  into  it.  If 
a  capitalist  or  landlord  takes  away  ten  per  cent.,  then 
the  product  costs  me  more  than  it  is  worth.  I  am 
robbed  of  this  ten  per  cent.  The  proprietor  is  a  thief.* 

Shall  we,  then,  return  to  the  original  state  of  socie¬ 
ty,  to  communism  ?  By  no  means.  Private  property 
is  unjust.  It  is  robbery  of  the  weak  by  the  strong. 
Communism  is  the  reverse  injustice.  It  is  robbery  of 
the  strong  by  the  weak.  “Community  is  inequality, 


*  “Qu’est-cc  que  la  Propriete?”  pp.  133-137. 


134 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


but  in  an  inverse  sense  from  property.  Property  is 
exploitation  of  the  weak  by  the  strong.  Community 
is  an  exploitation  of  the  strong  by  the  weak.  In  the 
system  of  property  inequality  of  conditions  results 
from  force,  under  whatever  name  it  may  disguise  it¬ 
self — force,  physical  and  intellectual ;  force  of  circum¬ 
stances,  hazard,  fortune ;  force  of  acquired  property, 
etc.  In  community  inequality  springs  from  mediocri¬ 
ty  of  talent  and  of  labor,  elevated  to  an  equality  with 
force  ;  and  this  injurious  equation  is  revolting  to  con¬ 
science  and  causes  merit  to  murmur.”  * 

We  have  now  our  thesis  and  our  antithesis.  The 
synthesis  is  found  in  possession.  I  may  possess  the 
instruments  of  labor  of  every  kind  in  order  to  enable 
me  to  labor.  It  is  labor  which  renders  them  mine — 
my  own  individual  labor.  So  long  as  I  cultivate  my¬ 
self  a  piece  of  land,  it  is  mine  and  the  product  is  mine. 
I  may  not  rob  another  by  charging  for  the  use  of  the 
instruments  of  labor.  It  will  be  seen  thus  that  what 
Proudhon  really  is  lighting  against  is  rent  f  and  profits 
of  capital.  He  allows  inheritance — everything  except 
individual  ownership.  Of  course,  when  this  is  ana¬ 
lyzed,  it  becomes  apparent  that  inheritance  can  amount 
to  veiy  little. 

What  is  the  ideal  of  government?  Anarchy.  We 
desire  absolute  liberty.  Any  control  of  man  by  man 
is  oppression.  “  What  form  of  government  shall  we 
prefer  ?  Ah,  how  can  you  ask  ?  replies  one  of  my 
youngest  readers. — You  are  a  republican?  Republi¬ 
can,  yes  ;  but  this  word  defines  nothing.  Res  publica 
— that  is,  the  public  thing  ;  now,  whoever  wishes  the 


*  “  Qu’est-ce  que  la  Propriete  ?”  p.  204 ;  cf.  pp.  205,  206. 
f  Ilenry  George  and  others  might  get  some  useful  hints  from  him. 


PKOUDIION. 


135 


public  thing,  under  any  form  of  government,  can  call 
himself  a  republican.  The  kings  also  are  republicans. 
— Ah,  well,  you  are  a  democrat?  No. — What!  are 
you  a  monarchist  ?  No. — A  constitutionalist  ?  God 
forbid. — You  are,  then,  an  aristocrat?  Not  at  all. — 
Do  you  wish  a  mixed  government  ?  Still  less. — What 
are  you,  then?  I  am  an  anarchist.  .  .  .  Anarchy — 
the  absence  of  master,  of  sovereign  —  such  is  the 
form  of  government  which  we  approach  every  day, 
and  our  inveterate  habit  of  taking  man  for  a  guide  and 
his  will  for  law  makes  us  regard  it  as  a  heap  of  dis¬ 
order  and  an  expression  of  chaos.  ...  No  one  is  king. 
.  .  .  Every  question  of  internal  politics  ought  to  be 
solved  according  to  the  data  of  the  Department  of 
Statistics  ;  every  question  of  international  politics  is  a 
question  of  international  statistics.  The  science  of 
government  belongs  of  right  to  one  of  the  sections  of 
the  Academy  of  Sciences,  of  which  the  perpetual  sec¬ 
retary  necessarily  becomes  the  first  minister ;  and 
since  every  citizen  may  address  a  memoir e  to  the 
Academy,  every  citizen  is  a  legislator  ;  but  as  the 
opinion  of  no  one  counts  except  in  so  far  as  it  is  de¬ 
monstrated  to  be  true,  no  one  can  substitute  his  will  for 
reason — no  one  is  king.  .  .  .  Justice  and  legality  are 
two  things  as  independent  of  our  consent  as  mathe¬ 
matical  truth.  ...  In  order  that  truth  should  become 
law,  it  must  be  recognized.  Now,  what  is  it  to  recog¬ 
nize  a  law  ?  It  is  to  verify  a  mathematical  or  meta¬ 
physical  operation.  It  is  to  repeat  an  experience,  to 
observe  a  phenomenon,  to  prove  a  fact.”  * 

What  positive  measures  of  reform  are  proposed  to 
bring  about  equality  associated  with  anarchy?  One 


*  “(Euvres  Completes,”  tome  i.  pp.  214,  21G,  217. 


136 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


is  a  great  national  bank,  in  which  product  shall  he  ex¬ 
changed  against  product  without  any  intermediaries, 
so  that  money-mongers  shall  not  be  able  to  stop  the 
circulation  and  thereby  the  production  of  goods.  Pa¬ 
per  money  is  to  be  given  in  exchange  for  whatever 
is  brought  to  this  place  of  deposit.  This  paper  is  a 
check,  which  indicates  labor -time.  It  may  be  ex¬ 
changed  for  anything  else  of  the  same  value,  which 
has  cost  the  same  labor.  Products  are  exchanged  for 
products,  and  what  is  received  has  the  same  value  as 
what  is  given.  Property  must  be  abolished,  and  no 
landlord  or  capitalist  may  intervene  and,  by  exacting 
toll,  make  what  I  receive  cost  me  more  than  it  is  worth. 

What  Proudhon  proposed  in  the  National  Assembly 
was  a  bank  which  should  effect  exchanges  of  this  sort. 
It  was  to  be  established  by  funds  derived  from  a  part 
of  the  proceeds  of  a  tax  of  one  third,  or  thirty-three 
and  a  third  per  cent,  on  revenues  derived  from  prop¬ 
erty,  and  from  a  progressive  tax  on  salaries  of  govern¬ 
ment  officers.  Branches  were  to  be  established  in  every 
part  of  France,  and  all  were  to  be  furnished  with  gra¬ 
tuitous  credit.  Interest  has  shown  a  tendency  to  de¬ 
crease,  which  may  be  traced  back  for  centuries.*  Its 
normal  rate  is  zero,  and  the  national  bank  is  to  assist 
in  bringing  it  down  to  this  point.  Everybody  wants 
credit  and  everybody  will  be  benefited  by  the  meas- 
ure.f  All  the  world  will  give  and  receive  credit. 
Rights  and  duties,  privileges  and  obligations,  are  mut¬ 
ual.  We  may  call  this  scheme  mutualism.]; 

But  when  interest  becomes  zero,  it  follows  natu- 


*  “  CEuvres  Completes,”  tome  vii.  p.  2'71.  f  Ibid.  p.  290. 

t  This  name  is  frequently  given  to  Froudhon’s  plans  by  the  social- 


PROUDHON. 


137 


rally  and  inevitably  that  rents  and  profits  become  nil. 
Credit  enabling  every  one  to  obtain  the  instruments 
of  labor  without  price,  it  is  self-evident  that  no  one 
will  pay  anything  to  landlord  or  capitalist  for  their 
use.  The  problem  of  abolishing  the  class  of  idlers  is 
therefore  solved.  Henceforward  property  does  not 
exist.  The  laborer  receives  all,  and  products  cost  no 
more  than  they  are  worth.  This  is  the  highest  and 
the  only  true  form  of  sociabilite.  All  men  are  asso¬ 
ciated  on  terms  of  equality  ;  no  one  is  subject  to  an¬ 
other. 

Proudhon  rejected  communism.  His  ground  of  op¬ 
position  was  of  a  twofold  nature.  First,  communism  is 
based  on  property — not  the  property  of  an  individual, 
but  of  the  community.  We  have  in  it,  consequently, 
the  same  kind  of  slavery  as  in  our  present  society,  save 
that  we  have  many  masters  instead  of  one.  “  The 
members  of  a  community,  it  is  true,  have  nothing 
which  is  individual  ;  but  the  community  is  proprietor, 
and  proprietor  not  only  of  goods,  but  of  persons  and 
of  wills.  It  is  according  to  this  principle  of  sovereign 
property  that  in  every  community  labor,  which  ought 
to  be  for  man  only  a  condition  imposed  by  nature,  be¬ 
came  a  human  command,  and  thereby  odious.”  *  Sec¬ 
ond,  communism  is  unjust,  because  it  is  unequal.  It 
is  the  robbery  of  the  strong  by  the  w^eak. 

We  have  to  ask,  then,  what  is  the  equality  which 
Proudhon  desired  ?  If  he  did  not  wish  to  place  all 
on  the  same  level  as  regards  recompense,  what  did 
he  wish  ?  He  tells  us  that  “  equality  consists  in  the 
equality  of  conditions — that  is,  of  means — not  in  the 
equality  of  well-being,  which  with  equal  means  ought 


*  “  Qu’est-ce  que  la  Propriete  ?”  chap.  v.  2e  pavtie,  sec.  2. 


138 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


to  be  the  work  of  the  laborer.”*  Was  he  not,  then, 
a  Saint-Simonian  ?  did  he  not  wish  to  proportion  re¬ 
ward  to  services?  He  tells  us  distinctly,  No.f  He 
combats  Saint-Simonism  as  unjust  and  impracticable. 
He  also  speaks  of  equality  as  the  corner-stone  of  his 
system.  The  highest  stage  of  society  towards  which 
we  are  moving  he  calls  liberty — that  is,  the  synthesis 
of  the  thesis,  community,  and  the  antithesis,  property 
— but  “liberty  is  equality,  because  liberty  exists  only 
in  the  social  state,  and  outside  of  equality  there  is  no 
society.”  And  he  again  and  again  condemns  inequal¬ 
ity  of  wages  and  recompense  in  his  new  society. 
Some  writers,  dwelling  merely  upon  his  condemna¬ 
tion  of  community,  have  said  that  he  was  not  in  favor 
of  equality.  This  is  a  mistake.  But  how  are  we  to 
reconcile  his  statements?  They  are  contradictories. 
Where  is  the  synthesis  ?  It  is  found  in  the  fact  that 
all  will  hereafter  produce  alike.  When  possession 
takes  the  place  of  property,  each  one  will  labor  equal¬ 
ly,  and  the  products,  being  measured  by  labor-time, 
will  be  equal  in  value.  Equality  of  conditions  be¬ 
comes  absolute  equality.  “  On  the  one  hand,  the  task 
of  each  laborer  being  easy  and  short,  and  the  means 
of  performing  it  successfully  being  equal,  how  could 
there,  then,  be  great  and  small  producers?  On  the 
other  hand,  the  functions  all  being  equal,  either  by 
the  real  equivalence  of  talents  and  capacities  or  by 
social  co-operation,  how  can  a  functionary,  arguing 
from  the  excellence  of  his  work,  demand  a  propor¬ 
tional  salary  ?”  (i.  e.,  a  remuneration  larger  than  the 

*  “  Qu’est-ce  que  la  Propriete  ?”  chap.  v.  2e  partie,  sec.  3.  Cf.  also 
his  speech  in  the  National  Assembly  on  31st  of  July,  1848,  in 
“  (Euvres,”  vol.  vii.  pp.  268,  269. 

f  Ibid.  chap.  iv.  5e  “  Prop,  et  Appendice.” 


PROUDHON. 


139 


remuneration  of  others,  in  proportion  to  the  superiori¬ 
ty  of  his  work). 

“  But  what  do  I  say  ?  In  equality  the  salaries  are 
always  proportional  to  faculties.  But  what  is  the  sal¬ 
ary  or  remuneration  received  ?  It  is  that  which  com¬ 
poses  the  reproductive  consumption  of  the  laborer. 
The  act  itself  by  which  the  laborer  produces  is  then 
this  consumption,  equal  to  his  production.  When  the 
astronomer  produces  observations,  the  poet  verses, 
the  savant  experiences,  they  consume  instruments, 
books,  travels,  etc.  ;  now,  if  society  provides  for  this 
consumption,  what  other  proportionality  of  honors 
can  the  astronomer,  the  savant,  and  the  poet  demand? 
Let  us  conclude,  then,  that  in  equality,  and  in  equality 
alone,  the  adage  of  Saint-Simon, 4  To  each  one  accord¬ 
ing  to  his  capacity,  to  each  capacity  according  to  its 
works,’  finds  its  full  and  complete  application.”  * 

In  intention,  then,  Proudhon  was  a  communist  in 
the  sense  of  the  definition  given  in  this  work.  No 
man  ever  preached  more  plainly  and  unreservedly  ab¬ 
solute  equality  as  an  ideal.  He  was  not  a  communist 
in  the  sense  of  favoring  communities  such  as  we  see 
in  a  few  places  at  present,  because  they  involve  con¬ 
trol  and  authority.  He  was,  on  the  contrary,  in  favor 
of  anarchic  equality.  The  distinction  might  be  made 
by  saying  that  he  was  a  communist,  but  not  a  com¬ 
munitarian. 

I  have,  nevertheless,  spoken  of  him  several  times  as 
a  socialist,  because  the  entire  tendency  of  every  posi¬ 
tive  proposal  which  he  made  was  socialistic,  and  not 
communistic.  Equality  has  no  logical  connection  with 
his  projects.  He  proposed  to  transform  property  into 


*  “  Qu’est-ce  que  la  Proprieto  ?”  p.  157. 


140 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


possession,  which  means  simply  limiting  very  material¬ 
ly  the  rights  of  property.  Now,  how  could  this  change 
he  so  restricted  without  allowing  inequalities  to  arise  ? 
Each  one  cultivates  his  land  as  he  pleases  and  works 
as  he  will,  all  authority  being  banished  from  the  face 
of  the  earth.  Can  any  one,  without  resorting  to  some 
supernatural  and  unwarranted  theory,  suppose  that  all 
would  derive  the  same  products  from  the  same  instru¬ 
ments  ?  Then  let  us  take  up  the  case  of  gratuitous 
credit.  Will  all  avail  themselves  of  it  with  equal 
profit  in  anarchy  ?  What  is  to  prevent  my  accumu¬ 
lating  labor  receipts  if  my  production  exceeds  con¬ 
sumption  ?  Or  shall  the  state  or  some  outside  body 
prevent  my  taking  more  than  I  consume  from  the 
magazines  or  banks,  whatever  they  are  called  ?  If  so, 
do  we  not  have  all  the  interference  and  control  of  the 
hated  community  ?  It  is  thus  seen  that  Proudhon  is 
inconsistent  as  well  as  paradoxical,  and  is  unable  to 
effect  his  synthesis. 

The  following  ten  statements  contain,  in  Proudhon’s 
own  words,  a  resume,  of  the  system  which  we  have 
just  examined  : 

“  I.  Individual  possession  is  the  condition  of  social  life ;  .  .  .  Prop¬ 
erty  is  the  suicide  of  society.  .  .  . 

“  II.  The  right  of  occupation  being  equal  for  all,  possession  varies 
according  to  the  number  of  possessors.  .  .  . 

“  III.  The  effect  of  labor  being  the  same  for  all,  property  is  lost 
by  its  use  on  the  part  of  others  and  by  rent. 

“  IY.  All  human  labor  proceeding  necessarily  from  a  collective 
force,  all  property  becomes,  for  the  same  reason,  collective  and  indi¬ 
visible  ;  in  terms  more  precise,  labor  destroys  property. 

“  Y.  Every  capacity  for  labor  being,  the  same  as  every  instrument 
of  labor,  an  accumulated  capital  or  collective  property,  inequality  of 
remuneration  and  of  fortune,  under  pretext  of  inequality  of  capacity, 
is  injustice  and  theft. 

“  VI.  Commerce  has  for  its  necessary  conditions  the  liberty  of  con- 


PROUDHON. 


141 


tractors  and  the  equivalence  of  products  exchanged ;  now,  value  hav¬ 
ing  for  its  expression  the  sura  of  the  time  and  of  the  expense  which 
each  product  costs,  and  liberty  being  inviolable,  the  laborers  neces¬ 
sarily  remain  equal  in  wages,  as  they  are  in  duties  and  in  rights. 

“  VII.  Products  are  purchased  only  by  products ;  now,  the  condi¬ 
tion  of  every  exchange  being  the  equivalence  of  products,  profits 
from  exchange  are  impossible  and  unjust.  Observe  this  principle  of 
the  most  elementary  economy,  and  pauperism,  luxury,  oppression, 
vice,  crime,  and  hunger  will  disappear  from  among  us. 

“VIII.  Men  are  associated  by  the  physical  and  mathematical  law 
of  production ;  .  .  . 

“  IX.  Free  association,  liberty,  which  confines  itself  to  the  mainte¬ 
nance  of  equality  in  the  means  of  production  and  equivalence  in  ex¬ 
changes,  is  the  only  form  of  society  possible,  just,  and  true. 

“  X.  Politics  is  the  science  of  liberty ;  the  government  of  man 
by  man,  under  whatever  name  it  may  disguise  itself,  is  oppression. 
The  highest  form  of  society  is  found  in  the  union  of  order  and 
anarchy.”  * 

Proudhon’s  earnestness  and  sincerity  can  scarcely  be 
doubted.  We  must  give  him  credit  for  honesty,  how¬ 
ever  strong  our  conviction  that  his  schemes  are  utter¬ 
ly  impracticable,  and  however  severely  we  condemn 
the  bitterness  and  injustice  with  which  his  views  are 
presented.  He  closes  his  first  memoire  on  property 
with  the  following  appeal  to  the  Deity  to  hasten  the 
coming  emancipation  and  to  witness  his  unselfish  de¬ 
votion  :f  “  O  God  of  liberty  !  God  of  equality  !  Thou 
God,  who  hast  placed  in  my  heart  the  sentiment  of 
justice  before  my  reason  comprehended  it,  hear  my 
ardent  prayer.  Thou  hast  dictated  that  which  I  have 
written.  Thou  hast  formed  my  thought,  thou  hast 
directed  my  studies,  thou  hast  separated  my  spirit 
from  curiosity  and  my  heart  from  attachment,  in  or¬ 
der  that  I  should  publish  the  truth  before  the  master 


*  “  Qu’est-ce  que  la  Propricte  ?”  pp.  222-224. 


142  FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 

and  the  slave.  I  have  spoken  as  thou  hast  given  me 
power  and  talent ;  it  remains  for  thee  to  complete 
thy  work.  Thou  knowest  whether  I  have  sought  my 
interest  or  thy  glory.  O  God  of  liberty  !  May  my 
memory  perish,  if  humanity  may  but  be  free  ;  if  I  may 
but  see  in  my  obscurity  the  people  finally  instructed, 
if  noble  instructors  but  enlighten  it,  if  disinterested 
hearts  but  guide  it.  Shorten,  if  it  may  be,  our  time 
of  trial ;  smother  inequality,  pride,  and  avarice  ;  con¬ 
found  this  idolatry  of  glory  which  retains  us  in  ab¬ 
jection  ;  teach  thy  poor  children  that  in  the  haven  of 
liberty  there  are  no  more  heroes  nor  grand  men.  In¬ 
spire  the  strong  one,  the  wealthy  one,  whose  name  my 
lips  shall  never  pronounce  before  thee,  with  horror  on 
account  of  his  robberies.  .  .  .)  Then  the  great  and  the 
small,  the  rich  and  the  poor,  will  unite  in  one  inef¬ 
fable  fraternity  ;  and  all  together,  chanting  a  new 
hymn,  will  re-erect  thy  altar,  O  God  of  liberty  and  of 
equality  !”* 


*  “  CEuvres  Completes,”  tome  i.  pp.  224,  225. 


SOCIALISM  IN  FRANCE  SINCE  PROUDHON.  143 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

SOCIALISM  IN  FRANCE  SINCE  PROUDHON. 

The  last  thirty  years  of  the  history  of  France  con¬ 
stitute  an  unfruitful  period  in  the  development  of  so¬ 
cialism.  They  have  been  years  of  dearth,  following 
in  the  wake  of  an  equal  number  of  plenteous  years. 
There  has  arisen  during  all  this  time  no  developed 
communistic  or  socialistic  system  in  France.  The 
French  socialism  of  to-day  may  be  traced  to  three 
sources — viz.,  pure  dissatisfaction  with  existing  eco¬ 
nomic  life,  previous  French  speculations,  like  those  of 
Proudhon  and  Fourier,  and  present  German  theories. 

A  diligent  search  continued  for  some  time  convinced 
me  several  years  ago  that  there  was  little  new  or  orig¬ 
inal  in  the  ideas  of  the  living  leaders  of  socialistic 
movements  in  France.  Since  then  I  have  come  across 
three  confirmations  of  this  view  in  as  many  writers. 
Rudolf  Meyer,  a  German,  in  his  “  Emancipations- 
Kampf  des  Vierten  Standes,”  says  :  “  Since  Proudhon, 
France  has  produced  no  socialists  of  importance.”* 
Frederic  Harrison,  an  Englishman,  in  an  article  in  the 
Fortnightly  Fevieio  on  “  The  French  Workmen’s  Con¬ 
gress  of  1878,”  uses  these  words  to  express  his  view 
of  existing  French  socialism:  “  The  first  impression 
conveyed  is  this,  that  communism,  or,  indeed,  any  sys- 


144 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


tematic  socialism,  is  entirely  extinct  in  France.”*  A 
French  socialist  writes  rather  regretfully,  “  The  sec¬ 
ond  remark  is  that  we,  the  young  generation  of  social¬ 
ists,  have  discovered  little  in  the  domain  of  theory. 
We  live  almost  exclusively  upon  the  thoughts  of  our 
predecessors.”  f 

New  life  has,  however,  been  manifested  within  the 
last  year  or  two  among  French  socialists,  and  if  they 
are  not  discovering  new  theories,  they  are  making 
large  use  of  the  studies  of  others.  There  is  also  a 
considerable  class  whose  communism,  or  socialism, 
whichever  you  call  it,  does  not  get  beyond  the  purely 
negative  state  of  complaint.  It  is  like  a  cry  of  dis¬ 
tress,  like  “  blind  yearnings  for  light — like  the  voice 
of  one  crying, 4  Watchman,  what  of  the  night  ?  Will 
the  night  soon  pass  ?’  ”  J  Those  of  this  class  condemn 
our  present  society  with  unmeasured  severity,  but 
they  are  unable  to  suggest  plans  for  a  better.  They 
are  groping  about  blindly  for  a  guide  who  shall  lead 
them  in  their  endeavors  to  realize  the  ideal  of  the 
French  device,  “liberty,  equality,  fraternity.”  If  you 
purchase  at  hap-hazard  a  French  socialistic  paper,  you 
will  very  likely  find  in  it  only  murmurings,  repinings, 
and  bitter  accusations  against  existing  institutions,  rav¬ 
ings  and  outcries  as  incoherent  as  Carlyle’s  collection 
of  exclamations  which  he  calls  the  “  History  of  the 
French  Revolution.”  Perhaps  Louise  Michel  and 
Felix  Pyat  ought  to  be  classed  among  the  adherents 
of  this  group. 


*  Fortnightly  Review ,  May,  1878. 

f  “  Expose  des  ficoles  Socialistes  Frampaises,”  par  B.  Malon  (2d  ed. 
Paris,  1872).  “  Avant-Propos,”  p.  iii. 

t  Frederic  Harrison,  in  article  in  Fortnightly  Review ,  already  re¬ 
ferred  to. 


SOCIALISM  IN  FRANCE  SINCE  PROUDHON.  145 


We  may  roughly  divide  the  remaining  communists 
and  socialists  of  France  into  three  classes — viz.,  the 
Blanquists,  the  Anarchists,  and  the  Collectivists. 

The  Blanquists  are  followers  of  the  late  Auguste 
Blanqui  (1805-1881),  brother  of  Adolfe  Blanqui,  the 
political  economist.  Their  principle  of  action  is  to 
join  hands  under  the  leadership  of  some  man,  for  the 
negative  work  of  pulling  down  existing  economic  in¬ 
stitutions.  They  come  forward  with  no  programme 
for  reconstruction,  because  that  would  be  likely  to 
disunite  them,  and  it  is  as  yet  too  early  for  positive 
plans  for  the  new  society  to  be  built  on  the  ruins  of 
the  old.  There  is  a  certain  monarchical  element  in 
their  operations,  inasmuch  as  they  expect  their  ad¬ 
herents  to  follow  the  leader  or  leaders,  without  know¬ 
ing  precisely  whither  they  are  going,  but  with  confi¬ 
dence  in  the  guiding  spirit.  Leadership  and  agitation 
without  a  programme  are  both  unpopular  with  most 
modern  socialists,  and  the  Blanquists  do  not  count  a 
large  number  of  adherents.  They  are,  however,  active, 
courageous,  and  irreconcilable.  They  are  “  intransi- 
gentes,”  wTho  will  make  no  compromise  with  our  pres¬ 
ent  institutions.  Their  leader  is  Eudes,*  a  member 
of  the  Committee  of  Public  Safety  at  the  time  of  the 
rising  of  the  commune.  The  title  of  a  paper  which 
they  published  for  some  time  indicates  the  fierceness 
of  their  disposition.  It  was  “  Ni  Dieu  ni  Maltre  ” — 
“  Neither  God  nor  Master.”  Among  its  contributors 
Cournet,  Breuille,  and  Granger  are  named.  The  paper 
has  ceased  to  appear  for  lack  of  patronage,  and  they 
are  now  compelled  to  make  propaganda  orally  by  con- 

*  For  this,  as  well  as  a  few  other  facts,  I  am  indebted  to  an  article 
on  “French  Socialists”  which  appeared  in  the  weekly  edition  of  the 
London  Times,  March  30,  1883. 


10 


146  FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 

versation  and  by  speeches.  It  cannot  be  said  that 
they  differ  from  the  other  groups  of  socialists  in  their 
attitude  of  defiance  towards  God  and  religion,  and 
perhaps  they  do  not  in  this  respect  differ  so  widely  as 
is  supposed  from  a  large  number  of  French  and  Ger¬ 
man  political  leaders  and  thinkers.  It  must  be  fairly 
stated  that  their  opposition  to  religion  has  no  logical 
.  connection  with  their  socialistic  views.  On  the  con¬ 
trary,  it  is  as  illogical  for  them  to  reject  Christianity 
as  anything  well  could  be.  The  French  social  re¬ 
formers  of  about  1850  perceived  this.  At  that  time, 
if  one  had  visited  the  assembly  rooms  of  a  commu¬ 
nistic  or  socialistic  society  in  Paris,  he  would  in  all 
probability  have  found  there  a  picture  of  Christ,  with 
these  words  written  under  it,  “Jesus  of  Nazareth,  the 
First  Representative  of  the  People.”* 

The  anarchists  are  also  a  small  but  determined 
band.  Their  leading  representatives  are  Prince  Kra- 
potkine,  a  Russian  by  birth,  and  Elisee  Reclus,  the 
celebrated  geographer.  Emile  Gautier,  Bernard,  and 
Bordat,  who,  like  Krapotkine,  were  sentenced  to  five 
years’  imprisonment  at  the  Lyons  trial,  January  19, 
1883,  for  connection  with  the  International  Associa¬ 
tion  of  Laborers,  are  also  prominent  anarchists.  Al¬ 
though  their  programme  may  be  found  ♦almost  word 
for  word  in  Proudhon,  they  profess  to  follow  more 
closely  Bakounine,  the  Russian  nihilist,  who  separated 
himself  from  Marx  and  the  Internationals,  and  formed 
secret  societies  in  Spain,  Switzerland,  France,  and  else¬ 
where,  and  thus  propagated  nihilistic  views  ;  for  an¬ 
archy  and  nihilism  are  pretty  much  one  and  the  same 
thing  when  nihilism  is  understood  in  the  older,  stricter 


*  Vide  B.  Malon’s  “  Expose,”  etc.,  p.  230. 


SOCIALISM  IN  FRANCE  SINCE  PEOUDHON.  147  * 

sense,  which  does  not  include,  as  it  does  in  a  larger 
and  more  modern  sense,  those  who  are  simply  political 
and  constitutional  reformers.*  Like  Prince  Krapot- 
kine,  Bakounine  came  of  an  old  and  prominent  Rus^ 
sian  family  ;  like  him,  he  revolted  against  the  cruel¬ 
ties  and  injustices  he  saw  about  him  ;  like  him,  he 
despaired  of  peaceful  reform,  and  concluded  that  no 
great  improvement  could  be  expected  until  all  our 
present  political,  economic,  and  social  institutions 
were  so  thoroughly  demolished  that  of  the  old  struct¬ 
ure  not  one  stone  should  be  left  on  another.  Out  of 
the  ruins  a  regenerated  world  might  arise.  We  must 
be  purged  as  by  fire.  Like  all  anarchists  and  true 
nihilists,  he  was  a  thorough  pessimist,  as  far  as  our 
present  manner  of  life  was  concerned.  Reaction 
against  conservatism  carried  him  very  far.  He  wished 
to  abolish  private  property,  state,  and  inheritance. 
Equality  is  to  be  carried  so  far  that  all  must  wear 
the  same  kind  of  clothing,  no  difference  being  made 
even  for  sex.  Religion  is  an  aberration  of  the  brain, 
and  should  be  abolish ed.f 

Fire,  dynamite,  and  assassination  are  approved  of 
by  at  least  a  large  number  of  the  party.  They  are 
brave  men,  and  fight  for  their  faith  with  the  devotion 
of  martyrs.  Imprisonment  and  death  are  counted  but 
as  rewards. 

Their  press  is  comparatively  insignificant.  Their 


*  Consult,  on  this  point,  Stepniak’s  “  Underground  Russia  ”  (Lon¬ 
don,  1883).  Careful  inquiry  of  a  large  number  of  Russians,  young 
and  old,  rich  and  poor,  convinced  me  long  since  that  the  views  this 
book  expresses  concerning  the  condition  of  Russia  are  substantially 
correct. 

|  Cf.  Rudolf  Meyer,  Bd.  i.  SS.  42,  43,  and  two  articles  on  Michael 
Bakunin,  in  the  Deutsche  Rundschau  (1877),  Bde.  11  u.  12. 


148 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


principal  newspaper  appears  to  be  the  Jievolte ,  a  small 
paper  published  at  Geneva  since  1879.  A  paper  was,  a 
few  years  ago,  published  in  their  interests  at  Yerviers, 
Belgium,  with  the  characteristic  title,  The  Cry  of  the 
People  (Le  Cri  du  Peuple).  It  lasted  only  a  little 
over  a  year,  its  final  number  appearing  on  the  21st  of 
June,  1879,  and  containing  this  sentence,  among  manjr 
similar :  “Yes,  we  applaud  all  the  executions  made  by 
the  Russian  nihilists,  and  wish  that  their  propaganda 
might  extend  itself  over  the  whole  earth.” 

Forty-seven  anarchists  signed  a  declaration  of  prin¬ 
ciples,  which  was  read  by  one  of  their  number  at  their 
trial  at  Lyons.  It  was  substantially  as  follows  : 

“  The  anarchists  are  citizens  who,  in  an  age  when  one  preaches 
everywhere  the  liberty  of  opinions,  have  believed  it  their  duty  to  rec¬ 
ommend  unlimited  liberty. 

“  Our  only  merit  consists  in  speaking  out  openly  wliat  the  masses 
are  thinking.  We  are  several  millions  of  laborers,  who  wish  abso¬ 
lute  liberty,  and  nothing  but  liberty. 

“We  wish  liberty — that  is  to  say,  we  demand  for  every  human 
being  the  right  and  the  means  of  doing  that  which  pleases  him,  and 
of  doing  only  that  which  pleases  him ;  to  satisfy  integrally  all  his 
wants,  without  any  other  limits  than  natural  impossibilities  and  the 
wants  of  neighbors  equally  respectable. 

“We  wish  liberty,  and  we  believe  its  existence  incompatible  with 
the  existence  of  any  power  whatsoever,  whatever  its  origin  and  form 
— whether  it  be  elected  or  imposed,  monarchical  or  republican — 
whether  inspired  by  divine  right  or  by  popular  right,  by  anointment 
or  universal  suffrage. 

“  The  best  governments  are  the  worst. 

“  The  evil,  in  other  terms,  in  the  eyes  of  the  anarchists,  does  not 
reside  in  one  form  of  government  more  than  in  another ;  it  is  in  the 
idea  of  government  itself,  in  the  principle  of  authority. 

“  The  substitution,  in  a  word,  in  human  relations,  of  free  contract, 
perpetually  revisable  and  dissoluble ,  is  our  ideal. 

“The  anarchists  propose  to  teach  the  people  how  to  get  along 
wdthout  government,  as  they  already  begin  to  learn  how  to  get  along 
without  God. 


SOCIALISM  IN  FRANCE  SINCE  PROUDHON.  149 


“They  will  learn,  likewise,  liow  to  get  along  without  property- 
holders. 

“No  liberty  without  equality!  No  liberty  in  a  society  where  the 
capital  is  centralized  in  the  hands  of  a  minority,  which  continually 
grows  smaller. 

“We  believe  that  capital — the  common  patrimony  of  humanity, 
since  it  is  the  fruit  of  the  co-operation  of  contemporaneous  genera¬ 
tions — ought  to  be  placed  at  the  service  of  all. 

“We  wTish,  in  a  wrord,  equality  —  equality  in  fact,  as  corollary  or 
rather  as  primordial  condition  of  liberty.  From  each  one  according 
to  his  faculties,  to  each  one  according  to  his  needs :  that  is  what 
we  wish  sincerely,  energetically. 

“  Wicked  and  insane  as  people  call  us,  we  demand  bread  for  all, 
science  for  all,  work  for  all ;  for  all,  also,  independence  and  jus¬ 
tice.”  * 

The  anarchists  believe  in  a  kind  of  collectivism. 
Their  ideal  consists  of  independent  communes  united 
very  loosely  in  a  confederation.  Of  course,  the  con¬ 
federation  has  no  powers  save  such  as  are  voluntarily 
granted  it  by  each  individual  and  during  the  time 
which  it  may  please  him  to  grant  them.  It  is  no  gov¬ 
ernment.  It  is  simply  combined  action.  There  are 
groups  and  confederations  within  the  communes  based 
on  similar  principles. 

The  collectivists  are  French  socialists  and  social 
democrats,  who  have  adopted  the  views  of  the  Ger¬ 
mans,  chiefly  of  Marx  and  Lassalle.  Their  opinions 
we  will  then  discuss  under  the  head  of  German  social¬ 
ism.  It  is  here  only  necessary  to  give  evidence  of  the 
fact  that  they  build  on  German  foundations ;  to  men¬ 
tion  their  organizations  and  a  few  of  their  leaders. 

If  French  expositions  of  collectivism  are  examined, 
it  will  be  found  that  constant  references  are  made  to 


*  This  was  copied  in  the  February  (1883)  number  of  the  Journal 
des  JZconomistes  from  the  Revoke.  I  take  it  from  the  Journal. 


150  FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 

the  German  socialists  and  citations  taken  from  their 
writings.  Thus  Malon,  himself  a  collectivist,  cites 
Depaepe’s  presentation  of  international  collectivism — 
and  pretty  much  all  collectivism  and  social  democracy 
are  to-day  international ;  and  Depaepe,  in  the  passage 
quoted,  states  plainly  that  he  has  only  given  a  more 
or  less  perfect  resume,  of  Marx  and  Lassalle.*  The 
French  socialist  who  wrote  the  article  for  the  London 
Times  on  French  socialists,  to  which  reference  has  al¬ 
ready  been  made,  mentions  familiarly  the  names  of 
Schaffle,  Marx,  and  Lassalle.  £mile  de  Laveleye,  in 
his  article  in  the  Fortnightly  Fevieio  on  the  “  Euro¬ 
pean  Terror,”  f  follows  Schaffle’s  “  Quintessence  of 
Socialism”  in  explaining  the  system  of  the  collectiv¬ 
ists,  and  Schaffle  simply  presents  German  social  de¬ 
mocracy  at  its  best.  The  international  spirit  of  so¬ 
cial  democracy  was  illustrated  in  the  marriage  of  two 
of  Marx’s  daughters  to  two  French  socialists,  Longuet 
and  Lafargue,  the  latter  of  whom  translated  his  work, 
“Das  Kapital,”  into  French. 

The  collectivists  are  divided  into  two  branches — 
the  evolutionist  collectivists  and  the  revolutionary 
collectivists. 

The  evolutionist  collectivists  do  not  reject  reform 
as  a  possible  substitute  for  revolution.  While  they 
do  not  claim  to  be  able  to  say  that  a  social  revolution 
will  never  be  necessary,  they  recognize  the  fact  that 
a  change  of  the  economic  forms  of  society  is  a  matter 
of  growth  and  evolution,  and  are  willing  to  approach 
the  socialistic  state  by  degrees.  A  writer  much  in 
vogue  with  them  is  Colins,  a  Belgian,  who  advocated  the 
nationalization  of  land.  His  two  chief  works,  “  Qu’est- 


*  “  Expose,”  etc.,  p.  260. 


n;  f  April,  1883. 


SOCIALISM  IN  FRANCE  SINCE  PROUDHON.  151 


ce  que  la  Science  Sociale?” — “  What  is  Social  Sci¬ 
ence  ?  ” — and  “L’ficonomie  Politique,”  were  published 
between  1848  and  1857.  A  number  of  millionnaires 
belong  to  this  group  of  collectivists,  and  a  society  has 
been  formed  to  publish  and  disseminate  the  works  of 
Colins.  It  is  said  that  40,000  francs  have  been  sub¬ 
scribed  for  this  purpose. 

Colins  favored  these  four  measures  as  a  transition 
from  private  property  in  land  to  its  nationalization  : 

“  1.  Abolition  of  collateral  inheritances. 

“  2.  Proclamation  of  the  liberty  of  bequest. 

“  3.  A  tax  of  twenty-five  per  centum  upon  all  inheritances. 

“  4.  Enlightenment  of  the  masses,  so  that  they  shall  soon  demand 
the  collectivity  of  the  soil,  or,  as  the  English  say,  the  nationalization 
of  land.”  * 

Collectivists  of  this  group  are  called  “  Possibilists  ” 
and  “  Opportunists,”  on  account  of  their  temporizing 
inclinations.  Although  M.  de  Laveleye  states  that 
they  are  gaining  favor  with  the  laborers  as  opposed 
to  the  Irreconcilables,  they  have  few  leaders,  or,  at 
any  rate,  talkers  of  note.  On  occasion  of  the  election 
at  Belleville,  when  a  deputy  was  to  be  elected  to  re¬ 
place  Gambetta,  the  evolutionist  collectivists  nomi¬ 
nated  a  respectable  mechanic  by  the  name  of  J.  B. 
Dumay.  He  was  not,  however,  elected. 

The  revolutionary  collectivists,  also  called  Marx¬ 
ists,  are  divided  into  two  factions,  owing  to  personal 
rivalries.  These  are  called  the  “Federation  du  Cen¬ 
tre,”  among  whom  are  Jules  Guesde,  Paul  Laf argue, 
£mile  Massard,  and  Gabriel  Deville  ;  and  the  “Union 

*  Vide  Malon’s  “Expose,”  etc.,  p.  183.  A  further  account  of 
Colins’s  ideas  is  given  in  a  very  interesting  manner  in  an  article 
already  referred  to — viz.,  De  Laveleye’s  “European  Terror”  ( Fort - 
nightly  Review ,  April,  1883). 


152 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


Federative,”  among  whom  are  B.  Malon,  author  of  the 
work  which  I  have  several  times  cited  ;  Paul  Brousse, 
and  Jotfrin,  a  municipal  councillor,  who  recently  de¬ 
manded  of  the  council  the  execution  of  a  large  number 
of  socialistic  measures,  like  the  erection  of  city  work¬ 
shops  {ateliers  municipaux )  to  furnish  work  to  the 
unemployed,  the  establishment  of  bakeries  and  meat- 
markets  in  order  to  sell  provisions  at  a  moderate  price, 
and  the  construction  of  houses  to  be  let  to  laborers  at 
cost  price. 

At  the  time  when  Dumay  was  candidate  at  Belle¬ 
ville  for  the  place  in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  which 
Gambetta’s  death  left  vacant,  the  revolutionary  col¬ 
lectivists  nominated  Jules  Guesde,  who  received  only 
a  small  number  of  votes.  He  issued,  however,  an  elec¬ 
toral  programme,  which  is  valuable  as  an  authentic 
statement  of  principles  approved  by  his  party  at  sev¬ 
eral  different  congresses  between  1879  and  1882.  It 
is  as  follows  : 

“  Considering :  That  the  emancipation  of  the  productive  class  is 
that  of  all  human  beings,  without  distinction  of  sex  or  race;  that  the 
producers  can  never  be  free  until  they  are  in  possession  of  the  means 
of  production  (lands,  factories,  ships,  banks,  credit,  etc.);  that  there 
are  only  two  forms  under  which  the  means  of  production  can  belong 
to  them : 

“  1.  The  individual  form,  which  has  never  existed  as  a  general  and 
universal  fact,  and  which  is  being  eliminated  more  and  more  by  in¬ 
dustrial  progress ; 

“  2.  The  collective  form,  whose  material  and  intellectual  elements 
are  furnished  by  the  very  development  of  capitalistic  society : — 

“  Considering :  That  this  collective  appropriation  can  result  only 
from  the  revolutionary  action  of  the  productive  class — or  the  'prole¬ 
tariat — organized  as  a  distinct  political  party ;  that  such  an  organi¬ 
zation  ought  to  be  pursued  by  all  the  means  at  the  disposal  of  the 
proletariat ,  universal  suffrage  included,  and  thus  transformed  from 
an  instrument  of  injury,  as  it  has  hitherto  been,  into  an  instrument 


SOCIALISM  IN  FRANCE  SINCE  FROUDIION.  153 


of  emancipation — the  French  socialistic  laborers,  in  proclaiming  as 
their  end  the  political  and  economic  expropriation  of  the  class  of 
capitalists,  and  the  return  into  the  collective  form  of  all  the  means 
of  production,  have  decided,  as  the  means  of  organizing  the  conflict, 
to  enter  into  the  elections  with  the  following  demands : 

“  A.  POLITICAL  PROGRAMME. 

“  1.  The  abolition  of  all  laws  concerning  the  press,  assemblies,  and 
associations,  and  especially  the  law  against  the  ‘  International  Asso¬ 
ciation  of  Workmen,’  suppression  of  the  workman’s  book,*  this  regis¬ 
tration  of  the  laboring  class,  and  of  all  articles  of  the  code  estab¬ 
lishing  the  inferiority  of  the  laborer  vis-d-vis  his  employer  and  of  the 
inferiority  of  woman  vis-d-vis  man. 

“  2.  Suppression  of  religious  appropriations,  and  the  return  to  the 
nation  of  all  property  designated  by  the  term  mortmain  ( Deci'ee  of 
the  Commune  of  April  2,  1871).  .  .  . 

“  3.  Suppression  of  the  public  debt. 

“  4.  Abolition  of  standing  armies,  and  the  establishment  of  a  mili¬ 
tia  system  to  include  all  the  people. 

“  5.  The  establishment  of  the  freedom  of  the  Commune  as  regards 
its  administration  and  its  police. 

« B.  ECONOMIC  PROGRAMME. 

“1.  One  day  of  rest  in  seven;  eight  hours  to  constitute  a  day’s 
labor  for  adults ;  prohibition  of  the  labor  of  children  under  fourteen 
in  private  establishments,  and  the  reduction  of  their  labor  to  six 
hours  a  day  between  fourteen  and  eighteen. 

“  2.  A  protecting  ‘  surveillance  ’  of  apprentices  by  corporations  of 
laborers. 

“  3.  A  legal  minimum  of  wages,  determined  each  year  according  to 
the  local  price  of  provisions,  by  a  statistical  commission  composed  of 
laborers. 

“  4.  Legal  prohibition  of  the  right  to  employ  foreign  laborers  with 
smaller  wages  than  those  given  to  Frenchmen. 

“  5.  Equal  wages  for  equal  work  for  laborers  of  both  sexes. 


*  A  little  book  which  a  workman  is  compelled  to  keep  and  exhibit 
to  each  employer,  in  order  that  the  latter  may  know  who  have  em¬ 
ployed  him  before,  the  new  employer  in  turn  signing  his  name  in  the 
book  when  the  laborer  enters  his  service  and  when  he  leaves  it,  and 
expressing  his  opinion  of  the  laborer’s  conduct. 


154 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


“  6.  Free  instruction  in  science,  trades,  and  professions. 

“  7.  Support  of  the  aged  and  infirm  by  the  public. 

“  8.  Suppression  of  all  interference  of  employers  in  the  manage¬ 
ment  of  funds  destined  for  the  benefit  of  laborers. 

“  9.  Responsibility  of  employers  for  accidents  to  their  employees. 

“  10.  Participation  of  laborers  in  the  establishment  of  rules  and 
laws  for  different  shops ;  suppression  of  the  right  of  employers  to 
impose  fines  and  penalties  upon  laborers. 

“  11.  Annulment  of  all  contracts  which  have  alienated  public  prop¬ 
erty  (banks,  railroads,  mines,  etc.),  and  the  management  of  all  state- 
workshops  by  laborers  employed  therein. 

“  12.  Abolition  of  all  indirect  taxes,  and  the  transformation  of 
all  direct  taxes  into  a  progressive  tax  on  incomes  exceeding  3000 
francs ;  suppression  of  all  collateral  inheritances,  and  of  inheritances 
in  direct  line  exceeding  20,000  francs.”  * 

Clovis  Hugues,  mentioned  as  “  unclassed,”  is  a  col¬ 
lectivist  deputy.  It  is  stated,  however,  that  he  has 
announced  his  intention  of  leaving  the  party,  on  ac¬ 
count  of  the  tyranny  wfith  which  they  have  attempted 
to  control  him  in  every  step.  Joffrin  refused  to  at¬ 
tend  Louis  Blanc’s  funeral,  as  he  held  that  he  had 
proved  false  to  the  laborers  in  1871.  Hugues,  an  old 
friend  of  Blanc’s,  attended,  and  was  reproved  for  this, 
whereupon  he  indignantly  declared  the  above-men¬ 
tioned  intention,  maintaining  that  Louis  Blanc  was 
an  honorable,  high-minded  man,  and  a  true  friend  of 
the  laborer. 

He  Laveleye  believes  that  a  majority  of  French 
workmen  are  socialists,  while  Malon  confidently  speaks 
of  the  socialists  as  forming  the  elite  of  the  proletariat. 
The  latter  states  their  views  and  tendencies  at  the 
present  time  in  the  following  language  :  “We  have 
rejected  all  religious  regenerations,  whether  they  are 


*  Quoted  from  Journal  des  Economises  for  March,  1883,  pp.  450- 
452. 


SOCIALISM  IN  FRANCE  SINCE  PROUDHON.  155 

called  New  Catholic,  New  Christian,  pantheistic,  or 
theo- humanitarian  ;  and  we  have  accepted  every 
scientific  demonstration,  however  much  opposed  it 
might  be  to  the  previous  order  of  our  conceptions. 

“We  have  recognized  that  the  social  and  intellec¬ 
tual  world,  like  the  physical  world,  are  governed  by 
natural  laws,  and  are  subject  to  relations  of  succes¬ 
sion  and  similitude  independent  of  our  personal  in¬ 
tervention.  We  have  admitted  that  our  will  itself  is 
determined  by  natural  laws  which  it  may  not  break. 

“  This  has  given  us  larger  views,  and  especially  has 
taught  us  to  seek  in  a  terrestrial  future  the  ideal  which 
is  at  the  basis  of  every  human  nature. 

“We  have  acquired  a  more  profound  knowledge  of 
the  laws  which  govern  social  phenomena.  We  know 
that  as  our  human  nature  is  essentially  capable  of 
modification  and  perfection,  so  social  phenomena  and 
industrial  phenomena,  being  based  thereon,  are  modi¬ 
fiable  in  large  degree,  and  we  labor  to  modify  them 
as  much  as  possible.”  * 


*  “  Expose  ties  I^eoles  Socialistes  Franchises,”  pp.  iii.,  iv. 


156 


FEENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

RODBERTUS. 

In  turning  our  attention  to  Germany  “  we  come  to 
the  period  of  classical  epoch-making  socialism.”  It 
is  the  only  living  socialism  of  world -wide  impor¬ 
tance  ;  for,  with  few  comparatively  unimportant  ex¬ 
ceptions,  all  socialism  of  to-day,  whether  found  in 
Paris  or  Berlin,  in  New  York  or  Vienna,  in  Chicago 
or  Frankfort  -  on  -  the  -  Main,  is  through  and  through 
German. 

The  German  socialists  are  distinguished  by  the  pro¬ 
fundity  of  their  systems.  These  are  not  exhausted  by 
a  few  hours’  study.  You  can  come  back  to  them  time 
and  time  again,  and  obtain  ever  new  ideas.  A  great 
German  economist  (Schaffle)  declares  that  it  took  him 
years  to  comprehend  the  full  significance  of  German 
socialism.  It  gives  no  evidence  of  decreasing  power, 
but,  on  the  contrary,  its  influence  is  manifestly  spread¬ 
ing  and  becoming  more  and  more  deeply  rooted  in 
the  minds  and  hearts  of  large  masses.  Its  vitality  is 
due,  on  the  one  hand,  to  the  logical  and  philosophical 
strength  of  the  systems  on  wdiich  it  is  based  ;  on  the 
other,  to  the  patience  and  indomitable  perseverance 
of  its  leaders. 

One  of  its  leading  characteristics  is  its  thoroughly 
scientific  spirit.  Sentimentalism  is  banished,  and  a 
foundation  sought  in  hard,  relentless  laws,  resulting 


RODBERTUS. 


157 


necessarily  from  tlie  physiological;  psychological,  and 
social  constitution  of  man,  and  his  physical  environ¬ 
ment.  Like  French  socialism,  its  most  prominent  side 
is  its  negative  character,  but  this  is  not  declamatory. 
Coldly,  passionlessly,  laws  regulating  wages  and  value 
are  developed,  which  show  that  in  our  present  eco¬ 
nomic  society  the  poverty  of  laborers  and  their  robbery 
by  capitalists  are  as  inevitable  facts  as  the  motions 
of  the  planets.  Histories,  blue  books,  and  statistical 
journals  are  searched,  and  facts  are  piled  on  facts, 
mountain  -  high,  to  sustain  every  separate  and  indi¬ 
vidual  proposition.  Mathematical  demonstrations  as 
logical  as  problems  in  Euclid  take  the  place  of  fine 
periods,  perorations,  and  appeals  to  the  Deity.  Politi¬ 
cal  economy  is  not  rejected,  but  in  its  strictest  and 
most  orthodox  form  becomes  the  very  corner-stone  of 
the  new  social  structure.  Ho  writer  is  valued  so 
highly  as  Ricardo,  who,  in  political  economy,  was  the 
strictest  of  the  strict,  a  Pharisee  of  the  Pharisees. 
English  political  economy  is  developed  to  its  logical 
and  consistent  conclusion  with  wonderful  learning  and 
skill.  In  the  German  socialists,  says  Rudolf  Meyer, 
“  we  have  learned  men  belonging  to  the  higher  mer¬ 
cantile  and  professional  classes,  in  affluent  circum¬ 
stances,  who,  out  of  pure  love  for  the  cause,  devoted 
themselves  to  profound  economic  investigations,  and 
who  united  a  serious,  searching  mind  with  thorough 
knowledge  of  history,  philology,  and  law.  They  are 
political  economists  equal  to  the  great  English  leaders 
in  this  study,  but  having  at  their  command  a  greater 
scientific  apparatus,  especially  such  as  is  afforded  by 
statistics.”  *  Roscher,  indeed,  finds  in  them  alike  the 


*  “  Emancipationskampf,”  etc.,  Bd.  i.  S.  43. 


158 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


strength  and  the  weakness  of  the  English  school.  He 
describes  them  thus  in  his  “  History  of  Political 
Economy  in  Germany.”  “  Some  of  them  seem  to  be 
more  historical  than  the  Free-trade  School,  but  this 
is  only  an  appearance,  as  they  apply  history  so  so- 
phistically.  As  far  as  doctrinal  abstractions  are  con¬ 
cerned,  they  are  at  least  equal  to  the  extreme  Free¬ 
traders.* * * §  They  indulge  in  the  same  cosmopolitism, 
which  entirely  overlooks  real  peoples,  states,  and  de¬ 
grees  of  culture,  in  the  same  naive  assumption  of  the 
equality  of  all  men,  .  .  .  and  in  the  same  mammonistic 
undervaluation  of  ideal  goods.”  f 

Two  of  the  earliest  adherents  of  this  school  were 
Friedrich  Engels,  who  wrote  a  work  on  the  “  Condi¬ 
tion  of  the  Laboring  Classes  in  England ;”  J  and  K. 
Mario,  who  published,  in  1849,  his  “  System  of  World- 
Economy,  or  Investigations  Concerning  the  Organiza¬ 
tion  of  Labor  ;”  §  and  proposed  a  federation  of  social¬ 
istic  communities.  Both  of  these  writers,  however, 
^ere  soon  so  far  surpassed  in  importance  by  the  three 
socialists,  Rodbertus,  Marx,  and  Lassalle,  that  they 
are  scarcely  noticed  in  the  great  current  of  German 
socialism.  We  will  consequently  at  once  proceed  to 
the  consideration  of  the  life  and  teachings  of  Rodber- 
tus,  from  whom  it  may  be  considered  as  taking  its  be¬ 
ginning.  Its  growth  from  the  time  he  published  his 
doctrines  has  been  unbroken. 


*  Free-trader  is  used  here,  as  often  in  Germany,  not  to  denote  sim¬ 
ply  an  advocate  of  free-trade,  but  a  supporter  of  the  entire  abstract 
and  theoretical  system  of  the  English  free-traders. 

f  Page  1023. 

\  “Die  Lage  der  arbeitenden  Klassen  in  England”  (1845). 

§  “  System  der  Weltokonomie,  oder  Untersuchungen  iiber  die  Or¬ 
ganisation  der  Arbeit.” 


RODBERTUS. 


159 


Karl  Rodbertus,  who  lived  from  1805  to  1875,  was 
a  man  of  social  standing,  universally  respected  alike 
for  learning  and  character.  He  was  at  first  a  jurist, 
and  afterwards  a  farmer,  having  purchased  the  estate 
in  Pomerania  called  Jagetzow.  On  this  account  he 
is  often  called  Rodbertus- Jagetzoiv.* 

Rodbertus  took  some  part  in  politics  during  the 
stirring  events  of  1848,  and  for  a  short  time  there¬ 
after.  He  was  member  of  the  National  Assembly  in 
1848,  and  in  1849  of  the  Second  Chamber  of  the  Prus¬ 
sian  Parliament.  He  was  Prussian  Minister  of  Edu¬ 
cation  and  Public  Worship  for  a  brief  period.  But  he 
finally  abandoned  politics  and  led  a  quiet  life  in  his 
country  home,  devoting  himself  chiefly  to  scientific 
and  literary  pursuits.  His  knowledge  of  some  parts 
of  Roman  history  is  considered  quite  profound. 

Rodbertus,  one  of  the  ablest  socialists  who  ever  lived, 
is  perhaps  the  best  representative  of  pure  theoreti¬ 
cal  socialism.  Professor  Wagner  of  Berlin  calls  him 
the  Ricardo  of  socialism.  This  gives  him  an  impor¬ 
tant  place  in  the  history  of  political  economy,  for  po- 


*  As  this  German  custom  is  not  generally  understood  in  America 
and  often  leads  to  confusion,  it  may  be  well  to  state  that  it  is  cus¬ 
tomary  to  affix  the  name  of  a  man’s  estate  or  native  village  or  even 
his  wife’s  name  to  his  own  to  distinguish  him  from  others  of  the  same 
name.  Thus,  the  founder  of  the  people’s  banks  is  called  Schulze- 
Delitzsch,  because  he  lived  formerly  in  a  little  place  called  Delitzsch. 
He  afterwards  lived  in  Potsdam,  but  was  still  called  Schulze-Delitzsch. 
Delitzsch  is,  however,  really  no  part  of  his  name.  In  speaking  to 
him  you  would  generally  have  addressed  him  as  Mr.  Schulze,  never 
Mr.  Delitzsch.  In  reading  a  book  recently  written  by  a  learned  Ameri. 
can,  I  was  amused  to  see  him  spoken  of  seriously  as  Mr.  Schulze 
von  Delitzsch.  It  originated  undoubtedly  in  Lassalle’s  calling  him 
in  contempt  for  his  admiration  for  the  bourgeoisie  Mr.  Bastiat-Schulze 
von  Delitzsch. 


160 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


litical  economists  may  be  considered  as  practically 
unanimous  in  the  opinion  that  “  scientific  socialism 
represents  an  economic  system  which  no  science  of 
political  economy  can  any  longer  neglect”  (Wagner). 
It  is  certain  that  he  resembles  Ricardo  in  many  re¬ 
spects,  and  I  personally  am  quite  inclined  to  think 
he  equalled  him,  though  his  name  has  never  become 
very  popular,  as  his  life  was  a  quiet,  retired  one,  and 
he  took  no  part  in  agitation.  His  writings  are  rather 
difficult  reading  for  laborers,  and  they  are  consequent¬ 
ly  little  acquainted  with  him.  His  influence  on  the 
greatest  living  economists  has  been  remarkable.* 

Rodbertus’s  principal  works  are  : 

1.  “  Zur  Erkenntniss  unserer  Staatswirthschaftlichen  Zustiinde  ” 
— “  Our  Economic  Condition  ”  (Ncubrandenburg  und  Fricdland,  1842). 
This  contains  his  leading  views,  which  were  not  changed  thereafter. 
Out  of  print. 

2.  “  Sociale  Briefe  an  Von  Kirchmann” — “Social  Letters  to  Von 
Kirchmann”  (1850-51).  Out  of  print. 

3.  “  Zur  Beleuchtung  der  Socialen  Frage  ” — “  Elucidation  of  the 
Social  Question”  (Berlin,  1875).  This  contains  a  second  edition  of 
the  second  and  third  letters  to  Von  Kirchmann,  and,  with  the  two  fol¬ 
lowing  essays,  gives  a  very  good  idea  of  his  economic  theories. 

4.  “Der  Normal  Arbeitstag” — “The  Normal  Labor  Day”  (Berlin, 
1871).  Keprintcd  in  Ttibinger  Zeitschrift  fur  die  gesammte  Staats- 
wisscnschaft  fur  1878.  Cf.  also,  in  the  same  volume  of  the  Zeitschrift, 
an  essay  on  Rodbertus  by  Adolf  Wagner,  entitled  “  Einiges  von  und 
iiber  Rodbertus- Jagetzow.” 

5.  “OfTener  Brief  an  das  Comite  des  Deutsclien  Arbeiter-Vereins  ” 
— “  Open  Letter  to  the  Committee  of  the  German  Laborers  Union  ” 
(Leipzig,  1863).  Reprinted  in  Volume  I.  of  Lassalle’s  collected 
writings — F.  Lassalle’s  “Reden  und  Schriften”  (New  York,  1882). 

6.  “  Zur  Erklarung  und  Abhulfe  der  heutigen  Creditnoth  des 
Grundbesitzes  ” — “  An  Explanation  of  the  Necessity  of  Credit  for 
Land-owners  and  Proposal  of  Measures  to  Assist  Them  ”  (2  vols. 
1868-69).  Out  of  print. 


*  Cf.  Wagner,  in  Tubinger  Zeitschrift  (1878),  SS.  211,  212. 


RODBERTUS. 


161 


The  aim  of  Rodbertus  is  naturally  to  solve  the  so¬ 
cial  problem,  to  abolish  the  sharp  contradiction  be¬ 
tween  the  real  life  of  society  and  the  desired  and 
striven-for  ideal.  But  there  are  two  chief  evils  in  the 
existing  economic  life  of  man,  which  are  the  cause  of 
most  of  the  others.  These  evils  are  pauperism  and 
commercial  and  financial  crises,  the  latter  lead¬ 
ing  to  overproduction  and  a  glut  in  the  market.  Rod¬ 
bertus  directs  his  attention  principally  to  the  means 
of  abolishing  these  evils. 

The  starting-point  of  Ricardo’s  political  economy 
is  his  conception  of  labor  expressed  in  the  following 
sentence  :  “  All  economic  goods  are  to  be  regarded 
-  only  as  the  products  of  labor,  and  they  cost  nothing 
but  labor.”  *  This  proposition  he  claims  was  first  in¬ 
troduced  into  economic  science  by  Adam  Smith,  and 
was  more  firmly  established  by  the  school  of  Ricardo. 
His  whole  theory  consists  of  a  logical  extension  of 
this  theory,  according  to  which  pauperism  and  crises 
result  from  one  and  the  same  circumstance  —  viz., 
“  that  wdien  economic  processes  are  left  to  themselves 
in  respect  to  the  distribution  of  goods,  certain  rela¬ 
tions  (Verhdltnisse)  connected  with  the  development 
of  society  bring  it  about  that  as  the  productivity  of  so¬ 
cial  labor  f  increases,  the  wages  of  the  laboring  classes 
constitute  an  ever-decreasing  portion  of  the  national 
product.”  I  This  does  not  mean  necessarily  that  what 
the  laborer  receives  becomes  absolutely  smaller  ;  only 
that  it  decreases  relatively.  If  ten  laborers  produce 
now  twenty  bushels  of  wheat  in  a  given  time,  and  re- 


*  “  Zur  Beleuchtung,”  etc.,  SS.  23,  24. 
f  That  is,  the  labor  of  man  in  economic  society. 
\  “  Zur  Beleuchtung,”  S.  24. 

11 


162 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


ceive  ten  bushels  as  wages,  and  at  a  later  period  the 
productivity  of  labor  has  increased  to  such  an  extent 
that  they  produce  thirty  bushels  in  the  same  time,  but 
receive  only  thirteen,  their  portion,  their  quota  has 
decreased.* 

Now  let  us  see  how  this  produces  pauperism  and 
crises. 

In  society  we  find  laborers,  capitalists,  and  landlords. 
These  classes  can  exist  only  because  there  is  a  division 
of  labor,  and  laborers  produce  more  than  they  con¬ 
sume.  Landlords  and  capitalists  receive  what  is  called 
rent,  which  is  any  income  derived  from  the  fact  of 
possession  and  not  from  labor.  All  the  rest  is  labor’s 
share.  Now  how  does  it  happen  that  rent-receiving 
classes  are  able  to  exist  ?  in  other  words,  how  is  one 
man  enabled  to  take  from  another  a  part  of  the  fruits 
of  his  labor  ?  This  is  because  private  property  in  land 
and  capital  exists.  Land  and  capital  constitute  the 
instruments  of  labor,  and  without  them  production  is 
impossible.  Their  possessors  refuse  to  give  them  up 
to  another’s  use  unless  a  share  of  the  produce  is  guar¬ 
anteed  them  therefor,  while  the  laborer’s  hunger  and  the 
sufferings  of  his  family  compel  him  to  assent.  Labor 
is  treated  as  a  commodity.  It  is  bought  and  sold  like 
other  commodities,  and  its  value  depends  on  its  cost. 
What  is  the  cost  of  labor?  Manifestly  the  cost  of 
continuing  labor  ;  in  other  words,  such  means  as  will 
enable  the  laborer  himself  to  live  and  to  beget  ehil- 


*  The  Fourteenth  Annual  Report  of  the  Massachusetts  Bureau  of 
Statistics  of  Labor  for  18S3  goes  to  substantiate  this  theory.  In 
1875  the  “percentage  of  wages  paid  of  value  of  product”  in  over 
two  thousand  establishments  was  24.G8 ;  in  1880  only  20.33.  Vide 
p.  371 ;  cf.  also  other  statistics  on  the  same  page  and  on  p.  370. 


EODBERTUS. 


163 


dren  who  shall  continue  to  labor  after  he  is  gone. 
What  the  laborers  require  to  live,  and  to  marry,  and 
beget  children  in  sufficient  numbers  to  supply  the 
labor  market,  is  their  standard  of  life.  This  they  ob¬ 
tain  and  no  more.  Labor  costs  labor,  and  is  measured 
by  labor  ;  but  labor  produces  more  than  it  consumes, 
and  this  surplus-value  is  rent.  Does  the  laborer’s  stand¬ 
ard  of  life  rise  with  the  increase  in  productivity  of 
economic  forces  ?  No,  it  is  even  doubtful  whether  it 
is  rising  at  all.  Then  the  conclusion  is  inevitable  that 
labor’s  proportion  or  quota  decreases.  Rodbertus 
thinks  he  can  prove,  from  the  income  returns  in  Eng¬ 
land  since  1800,  and  from  the  division  of  the  national 
product  of  England  into  rent,  wages,  and  profits,  that 
the  increased  production  of  machine  power,  estimated 
as  equal  to  the  labor  of  five  hundred  and  fifty  mill¬ 
ions  of  men,  has  benefited  wholly  and  entirely  land¬ 
lords  and  capitalists.*  Rodbertus  puts  the  matter  as 
follows  to  laborers:  “Under  the  regime  of  laissez-faire 
and  with  our  present  property  laws,  your  level,  your 
portion  of  the  goods  produced,  tends  to  fall,  not  to 
rise  ;  to  convince  yourselves,  look  at  our  situation  in 
general.  Has  the  separation  in  the  incomes  of  social 
classes  become  greater  or  smaller  since  we  possess 
machines  and  railroads,  and  productivity  and  produc¬ 
tion  have  increased  so  remarkably  ?  The  answer  can¬ 
not,  indeed,  be  doubtful.  Or  consider  our  situation  in 
particular,  and  ask  the  oldest  among  you  whether,  dur¬ 
ing  the  last  forty  years,  wages — real  wages,  measured 
in  what  wages  will  buy — have  increased  as  much  in 
your  fatherland  or  your  native  city  as  land-rent,  or, 
what  is  the  same,  the  value  of  the  land,  and  as  much 


*  “Normal  Arbeitstag;”  Tubinger  Zeitschrift,  S.  361. 


164 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


as  capital  has  increased.”*  We  have  here,  then,  an 
explanation  of  pauperism  and  of  discontent.  A  man’s 
poverty  does  not  depend  so  much  upon  what  he  has 
absolutely,  as  upon  the  relation  in  which  his  posses¬ 
sions  stand  to  those  of  others  about  him,  and  upon  the 
extent  to  which  they  allow  him  to  share  in  the  prog¬ 
ress  of  the  age.  A  cannibal  in  the  Sandwich  Islands 
is  not  poor  because  he  has  no  coat ;  an  Englishman  is. 
When  the  vast  majority  were  unable  to  read,  a  man 
was  not  poor  or  oppressed  because  he  was  unable  to 
purchase  books,  but  a  German  who  to-day  has  not  the 
means  to  do  so  is  both  poor  and  oppressed. f 

Rodbertus  undertakes,  in  the  second  place,  to  prove 
that  crises  result  from  the  continued  decrease  in  la¬ 
bor’s  share  of  all  the  goods  produced.  His  arguments 
are  remarkable,  and  contain  the  ablest  explanation  yet 
given  of  the  commercial  and  industrial  crashes  which 
occur  every  few  years.  J 

Let  us  suppose  that  the  total  national  production 
equals  at  a  given  moment  ten  millions  of  units.  It 
makes  no  difference  what  a  unit  is.  It  may  represent 
the  value  of  ten  oxen,  five  horses,  one  thousand  bush¬ 
els  of  wheat,  ten  tons  of  hay,  and  one  hundred  sheep, 
or  it  may  equal  the  value  of  any  other  amount  of  eco¬ 
nomic  goods.  That  is  a  matter  of  indifference.  This 
production  is  divided  between  landlords,  capitalists, 
and  laborers,  so  that  each  class  receives  three  millions 
of  units,  one  million  going  to  the  state  in  the  shape  of 
taxes.  Let  us  further  assume  that  there  is  at  this  mo- 

*  “Offener  Brief,”  etc.,  in  Lassalle’s  “Reden,”  Bd.  i.  S.  270. 

f  Cf.  Lassalle’s  “  Reden,”  Bd.  i.  SS.  40-42,  where  this  thought  is 
brought  out  clearly  and  forcibly. 

\  I  do  not  mean  by  this  to  state  that  I  consider  the  explanation 
correct. 


RODBERTUS. 


165 


merit  an  equilibrium  in  production.  Three  millions  of 
units  of  such  goods,  necessaries,  and  comforts,  as  labor¬ 
ers  require,  are  produced  ;  three  millions  of  units  of 
necessaries,  comforts,  and  luxuries  are  produced  for 
capitalists  ;  and  a  like  amount  for  landlords.  One 
million  units  of  goods,  such  as  the  state  requires,  are 
produced.  So  long  as  this  relation  is  maintained  a 
cessation  in  production  is  needless.  The  laborers  have 
the  means  of  purchasing  all  that  is  produced  for  them, 
as  have  also  landlords,  capitalists,  and  state.  If  pro¬ 
duction  is  doubled,  and  the  same  relations  are  pre¬ 
served,  no  crisis  is  thereby  occasioned.  But  the  diffi¬ 
culty  lies  in  the  fact  that  the  same  proportions  are 
not  preserved.  Production  increases,  but  the  laborer’s 
share  diminishes.  He  has  not  the  means  of  purchas¬ 
ing  what  is  produced  for  him.  The  capitalists  and 
landlords  do  not  increase  their  consumption  of  luxuries 
pari  passu  with  the  diminishing  consumption  of  labor¬ 
ers,  as  they  save  in  order  to  become  wealthy.  Their 
savings  are  invested  in  putting  up  factories  and  pro¬ 
ducing  goods  for  laborers,  which  laborers  have  not  the 
means  of  purchasing  in  the  additional  amounts.  Cot¬ 
ton  goods,  cloths,  and  other  commodities  are  heaped 
up,  and  finally  there  comes  a  crash.  During  the  pe¬ 
riod  of  depression  the  proper  relations  are  gradually 
restored.  The  production  has  increased  to  twenty 
millions  of  units,  let  us  say,  of  which  the  laborers  re¬ 
ceive  four  millions  of  units.  Equilibrium  is  restored, 
when  four  millions  are  produced  for  them  and  sixteen 
millions  for  the  other  classes  of  society.  Consequent¬ 
ly,  IN  A  STATE  OF  INCREASING  PRODUCTION,  WE  OB¬ 
SERVE  AN  INCREASED  CONSUMPTION  OF  LUXURIES 

after  every  crisis.  Production  continues  to  in¬ 
crease  in  the  same  relations  until  the  laborers  are 


166 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


again  unable  to  purchase  what  is  produced  for  them, 
when  goods  are  again  heaped  up,  and  we  have  the 
anomaly  of  magazines  full  of  commodities  for  which 
there  are  no  purchasers,  although  there  are  plenty  who 
desire  them.  Those  for  whom  they  were  destined 
have  not  the  means  of  purchasing  them  ;  and  this  en¬ 
tails  also  distress  upon  others,  those  who  handle  these 
commodities,  as  well  as  upon  a  large  part  of  the  rest 
of  society,  owing  to  the  close  relations  existing  be¬ 
tween  different  members  of  the  social  body.  Equi¬ 
librium  is  finally  restored  by  an  increased  consump¬ 
tion  of  luxuries.  So  long  as  economic  life  is  not 
regulated  these  processes  will  never  cease  to  repeat 
themselves. 

Poverty  and  commercial  panics  can  be  banished 
only  by  arrangements  which  guarantee  to  laborers  a 
share  in  the  national  product,  which  increases  pari 
passu  with  increasing  production.  How  is  this  to  be 
done  ?  I  cannot,  in  this  place,  give  the  details,  which 
must  be  sought  in  Hodbertus’s  writings,  particularly  in 
his  “Normal  Arbeitstag.”  I  will  sketch  the  outlines 
of  his  plan. 

The  state  must  interfere.  An  estimate  must  be 
made  of  the  value  of  the  national  product,  and  of  the 
share  which  laborers  receive  at  the  time  of  the  valu¬ 
ation.  W e  will  assume  that  all  the  products  of  so¬ 
ciety  during  a  year  can  be  produced  by  four  millions 
of  hours  of  the  labor  of  an  average  man.  The  value 
of  the  yearly  production  equals  four  millions  of  hours. 
Let  us  suppose  that  the  laborers  receive  the  product 
of  one  million  hours.  They  are  given  in  exchange 
for  this  receipts,  a  kind  of  paper  money,  the  unit  of 
which  is  one  hour.  All  that  is  produced  finds  its  way 
first  into  magazines,  and  laborers  and  others,  on  pre- 


RODBERTUS. 


167 


senting  labor-time  money,  receive  its  value  in  goods. 
If  the  productivity  of  labor  doubles,  an  hour  will  se¬ 
cure  double  the  amount  of  goods.  This  is  the  solu¬ 
tion,  then,  of  the  problem  of  securing  for  the  laborers 
a  fixed  share  of  production  and  an  amount  of  goods 
which  increases  Avith  increased  production. 

It  is  probably  in  itself,  per  se ,  not  impossible.  What 
is  lacking  is  the  will.  This  makes  it  practically  im¬ 
possible.  Many  practical  men  have  regarded  the 
scheme  with  favor.  Indeed,  a  German  architect  has 
prepared  and  published  tables  showing  the  value  of 
the  product  of  an  average  hour’s  work  in  the  building 
trade,  and  of  the  share  receded  by  the  laborer  him¬ 
self.*  Their  accuracy  was  not  disputed  by  builders, 
though  they  doubted  the  advisability  of  letting  the 
laborers  knoAV  exactly  the  proportion  which  consti¬ 
tuted  their  Avages.  Rodbertus  did  not  claim  that  it 
Avould  be  the  task  of  a  day  to  carry  out  this  plan,  but 
he  thought  a  state  which  regarded  lightly  the  expen¬ 
diture  of  four  hundred  millions  for  military  purposes 
ought  not  to  begrudge  one  hundred  millions  at  once, 
and  perhaps  more  hereafter,  to  banish  pauperism  and 
stagnation  in  trade  and  industry.  He  spoke  of  one 
or  two  centuries  as  necessary  to  realize  these  plans. 
He  did  not,  however,  regard  private  property  in  land 
and  capital  as  the  ultimate  form  of  their  possession, 
although  the  abo\Te  scheme  allows  both.  He  thought 
there  were  three  stages  in  economic  development.  In 
the  first,  prhTate  property  in  human  beings — slavery, 

*  “  Hiilfstafeln  zu  Preisberechnungen  fiir  Zimmerarbeiten,  auf 
Grundlage  der  durchschnittlichen  Leistung  der  Arbeiter,”  von  H. 
Peters.  Schwerin  i.  M.,  and  “  Iliilfsbuch  zur  Aufstellung  von  Lohn- 
regulativen  und  Preisberechnungen  fiir  Bautischlerarbeiten,  mit  An- 
gabe  des  Materialbedarfs  und  des  durchschnittlichen  Arbeitswerths 
nach  Stunden  und  Minuten,”  von  H.  Peters  (Berlin,  1877). 


168 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


serfdom,  and  vassalage — existed  ;  in  the  second,  that 
in  which  we  now  live,  private  property  in  capital — 
i.  e .,  the  instruments  and  means  of  labor — was  a  social 
institution  ;  in  the  third,  private  property  in  income 
alone  was  to  be  allowed.  Each  one  was  to  enjoy  in 
this  third  stage  the  full  fruits  of  his  labor. 

It  is  needless  to  say  that  Rodbertus  waged  no  cru¬ 
sade  against  land  or  capital.  No  one  was  ever  so 
great  a  fool  as  to  do  that.  Every  social  democrat, 
even,  admits  the  necessity  of  both  land  and  capital. 
He  did  not,  however,  believe  that  it  was  forever  nec¬ 
essary  that  capitalists  and  landlords  as  separate  classes 
should  exist.  There  is  the  same  difference  between 
capital  and  capitalist  as  there  is  between  labor  and 
slave.  Once,  he  who  waged  war  on  slavery  was  looked 
upon  as  a  man  who  was  trying  to  abolish  labor.  In 
the  future  Rodbertus  thinks  we  will  separate  in  the 
same  manner  capital  and  capitalist,  and  abolish  the 
capitalist  class  as  we  have  already  abolished  the  slave¬ 
holding  class.  This  does  not  at  all  imply  equality. 
Great  differences  could  still  exist,  but  they  would  be 
based  on  merit. 

A  period  of  laissez-faire  was  held  by  Rodbertus  to 
denote  a  transitional  stage  and  a  preparation  for  a 
different  social  organization.  After  the  social  order  of 
the  Roman  republic,  which  was  founded  on  the  pos¬ 
session  of  many  slaves,  and  production  on  a  large  scale 
by  them,  had  had  its  day,  freedom  in  trade  and  com¬ 
merce  reigned  under  the  emperors,  but  was  terminated 
by  the  feudal  system  of  the  Middle  Ages,  for  which 
state  it  was  only  preparatory.  In  the  same  manner, 
the  present  imperfect  and  unsatisfactory  organization, 
or,  as  he  perhaps  would  have  said,  disorganization, 
was  to  end  in  a  higher  social  stage.  It  was  wicked 


RODBERTUS. 


169 


and  impious  to  hope  for  an  improvement  from  laissez- 
faire ,  which  he  called  a  fool’s  paradise.  Good  things 
did  not  come  to  us  in  this  -world  of  themselves.  It 
was  intended  that  we  should  work  for  them,  and  for 
their  attainment  use  all  the  instrumentalities  which 
Providence  has  committed  to  us,  the  state  included. 

All  of  the  leading  socialists  of  to-day,  to  whatever 
socialistic  group  they  may  belong,  have  been  influ¬ 
enced  greatly  by  Rodbertus.  An  understanding  of 
his  theories  renders  it  comparatively  easy  to  under¬ 
stand  Marx  and  Lassalle. 

German  socialists  of  to-day  may  be  divided  into 
three  groups — viz.,  social  democrats,  professorial  so¬ 
cialists,  and  Christian  socialists.  We  also  hear  of 
state  socialists,  who  form  one  class  with  professorial 
socialists  ;  save  that  a  few  of  them  may,  perhaps,  be¬ 
long  to  the  social  democrats.  Sometimes  they  are 
separated  from  professorial  socialists t and  made  to  in¬ 
clude  simply  German  office-holders,  but  the  ideas  of 
German  office-holders,  as  such,  can  have  no  interest 
for  us  in  this  place.  The  same  man  is  sometimes 
called  a  professorial  socialist  and  sometimes  a  state 
socialist,  as,  for  example,  Professor  Wagner — state 
socialist  as  an  office-holder  who  lays  stress  on  the 
beneficial  effects  of  state  activity,  professorial  social¬ 
ist  as  a  professor  who  does  the  same.  It  is  best  to 
use  the  term  professorial  socialists  in  a  wide  sense,  so 
as  to  include  all  holding  similar  views. 


170 


FEENCII  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


CHAPTER  X. 

KARL  MARX. 

The  more  immediate  theoretical  founder  of  social 
democracy,  and  for  many  years  its  leading  represent¬ 
ative,  was  Karl  Marx,  born  in  1818  in  Treves  (Trier). 
The  social  position  of  his  family  in  Germany  was  ex¬ 
cellent.  His  father,  a  converted  Jew,  occupied  a  high 
position  in  the  civil  service.  Marx  studied  law  at  the 
universities  of  Bonn  and  Berlin.  In  the  latter  place 
he  became  so  much  interested  in  philosophy  that  he 
abandoned  law.  The  philosophy  which  he  adopted 
was  the  Hegelian.  He  intended  to  become  a  profess¬ 
or,  but  was  led  into  politics  and  journalism  by  the  ap¬ 
parent  dawn  of  freedom  accompanying  the  succession 
of  Frederick  William  IV.  to  the  Prussian  throne  in 
1840.  He  soon  became  editor-in-chief  of  the  Rhenish 
Gazette  (Rheinische  Zeitung),  which  had  been  founded 
by  leading  liberals,  and  began  to  criticise  the  govern¬ 
ment  with  what  was  then  called  unheard-of  boldness. 
But  he  was  so  skilful  in  his  expressions  that  the  spe¬ 
cial  censor  of  the  press,  who  was  sent  from  Berlin  to 
Cologne  to  watch  the  paper,  could  find  no  cause  for 
legal  proceedings  against  him.  Finally,  government 
becoming  weary  of  such  attacks,  and  having  then  the 
power  to  do  so,  simply  decreed  that  at  the  expiration 
of  the  first  quarter -year  of  1843  the  paper  should 


KARL  MARX. 


171 


cease  to  appear.*  The  interest  which  Marx  had  be¬ 
gun  to  take  in  matters  of  government  showed  him  the 
necessity  of  informing  himself  more  fully  on  subjects 
of  political  economy.  He  went  to  Paris,  accordingly, 
after  the  suppression  of  the  Rheinische  Zeitung ,  to 
study  that  science,  thinking  that  France  then  afforded 
better  advantages  for  that  purpose.  He  was,  no  doubt, 
right  in  this,  as  the  Germans  have  only  lately  become 
great  in  political  economy.  In  Paris  he  continued  to 
wage  war  with  the  pen  on  the  Prussian  government, 
and  was  banished  from  France  in  1844  by  Guizot,  to 
please  Prussia.  Going  to  Brussels,  he  continued  his 
economic  studies,  interested  himself  in  the  cause  of 
the  laborers,  and  in  his  writings  at  this  time  ex¬ 
pressed  views  similar  to  those  which  he  held  at  the 
time  of  his  death.  In  1847,  in  company  with  Fried¬ 
rich  Engels,  he  composed  and  published  a  manifesto  of 
the  communistic  party,  which  closed  with  these  words: 
“  The  communists  scorn  to  conceal  their  views  and 
purposes.  They  declare  openly  that  their  aims  can  be 
attained  only  by  a  violent  overthrow  of  the  existing 
social  order.  Let  the  ruling  classes  tremble  before  a 
communistic  revolution.  The  proletarians  have  noth¬ 
ing  to  lose  except  their  chains.  They  have  a  world 
to  gain.  Proletarians  of  all  lands,  unite  !” 

The  events  of  1848  brought  Marx  to  Germany 
again,  where,  with  his  friends,  Engels,  Wolff,  and  the 
poet  Freiligrath,  he  founded  the  New  Rhenish  Gazette 
{Neue  Rheinische  Zeitung ).  For  one  year  this  paper 
was  an  able  advocate  of  the  cause  of  the  laborers. 
German  democracy  and  reaction  were  alike  rejected, 


*  For  these  and  other  facts,  vide  Mehring’s  “  Die  Deutsche  Social- 
Demokratie,”  ch.  v. 


172 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


and  the  interest  of  the  laborers  was  represented  as  ir¬ 
reconcilably  opposed  to  that  of  all  other  classes.  The 
paper  was  suppressed  in  1849,  and  its  founders 
banished  from  Germany.  Marx  lived  thereafter  in 
London. 

The  last  issue  of  the  paper  contained  a  spirited  fare¬ 
well  poem,  by  Freiligrath,  promising  the  reappearance 
of  the  journal  when  its  undying  spirit  should  have 
triumphed  over  all  its  foes.  The  following  is  a  good 
translation  :  * 

“FAREWELL  OF  THE  NEW  RHENISH  GAZETTE. 

“Farewell,  but  not  forever  farewell! 

They  cannot  kill  the  spirit,  my  brother; 

In  thunder  I’ll  rise  on  the  field  where  I  fell, 

More  boldly  to  fight  out  another. 

When  the  last  of  crowns  like  glass  shall  break 
On  the  scenes  our  sorrows  have  haunted, 

And  the  people  its  last  dread  ‘  guilty  ’  shall  speak, 

By  your  side  you  shall  find  me  undaunted. 

On  Rhine  or  on  Danube,  in  war  and  deed, 

You  shall  witness,  true  to  his  vow, 

On  the  wrecks  of  thrones,  in  the  midst  of  the  field. 

The  rebel  who  greets  you  now.” 

In  London,  Marx  continued  bis  agitation  and  liter¬ 
ary  work  uninterruptedly — the  former  reaching  its 
climax  in  the  foundation  of  the  International ,  in  1864; 
the  latter  in  the  appearance  of  his  most  important 
work,  “Das  Kapital  ”  (“Capital”),  in  1867. f  It  is  a 
development  and  continuation  of  his  “  Zur  Kritik  der 
politischen  Oekonomie”  —  “A  Critique  of  Political 


*  This  translation,  by  Ernest  Jones,  appeared  in  John  Rae’s  “  The 
Socialism  of  Karl  Marx  and  the  Young  Hegelians”  {Contemporary 
Rcvietc ,  October,  1881). 

f  Second  edition  (Hamburg,  1872). 


KARL  MARX. 


173 


Economy”  —  published  in  1859.  Marx  intended,  in 
“  Das  Kapital,”  to  present  a  complete  system  of  po¬ 
litical  economy  in  three  volumes,  but  had  published 
only  the  first,  “  On  the  Process  of  Capital  Produc¬ 
tion,”  at  the  time  of  his  death,  March  14,  1883.  The 
delay  was  due,  it  is  said,  to  the  extraordinary  thor¬ 
oughness  with  which  he  worked.  He  had,  however, 
practically  completed  the  second  volume  and  had 
the  third  volume  well  under  Avay  before  his  decease. 
These  two  volumes,  treating  of  the  “  Circulation  of 
Capital”  and  “The  Forms  of  the  Entire  Process  and 
the  History  of  the  Theory,”  will  be  brought  out  by 
his  friend,  Friedrich  Engels.  It  is  further  stated  that 
Marx  had  prepared  a  third  and  improved  edition  of 
the  first  volume,  which  is  now  in  press. 

Marx’s  book,  “  Capital,”  has  been  called  the  Bible 
of  the  social  democrats,  and  it  deserves  the  name.  It 
defends  their  doctrines  with  acuteness  of  understand¬ 
ing  and  profundity  of  learning,  and  certainly  ranks 
among  the  ablest  politico-economic  treatises  ever 
written.  I  should  place  it  on  a  par  with  Ricardo’s 
“Principles  of  Political  Economy  and  Taxation.” 
Much  has  been  said  against  its  style.  I  think  it,  at 
least,  equal  to  Ricardo’s.  It  is  difficult  reading,  not 
because  it  is  poorly  written,  but  because  it  is  deep. 
Any  one,  however,  who  has  had  some  training  in  po¬ 
litical  economy,  and  is  ordinarily  bright,  ought  not  to 
find  its  difficulty  insurmountable. 

Marx  lived  a  quiet  life  in  London,  directing  from 
that  point  the  movements  of  the  International,  cor¬ 
responding  for  the  New  York  Tribune  for  a  time, 
besides  writing  his  books  and  pamphlets,  and  enjoy¬ 
ing  the  society  of  his  friends.  His  family  life  was  a 
happy  one.  His  wife  was  Jenni  von  Westphalen, 


174  FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 

daughter  of  the  Prussian  minister  of  the  same  name, 
who  belonged  to  the  celebrated  reactionary  ministry 
of  which  Y on  Manteuffel  was  president.  He  had  four 
children,  of  whom  two  have  already  been  mentioned 
as  wives  of  well-known  French  socialists.  The  death 
of  a  son  in  early  life  was  a  severe  blow  to  him,  and 
he  never  recovered  from  the  death  of  his  wife,  in  1881. 

About  the  ability  of  Marx  there  is  unanimity  of 
opinion.  The  philosopher  Professor  Friedrich  A. 
Lange  regarded  him  as  one  of  the  ablest  political 
economists  that  ever  lived.  So  conservative  a  man  as 
Professor  Knies,  of  Heidelberg,  has  often  spoken  in 
high  terms  of  his  talents  and  acquisitions ;  and  the 
well-known  Cologne  Gazette  used  these  words  in  an 
obituary  notice  :  *  “  He  exercised,  perhaps,  a  more 
lasting  influence  on  the  inner  politics  of  civilized 
states  than  any  one  of  his  contemporaries.  Political 
economy,  especially  in  Germany,  knows  no  writer  who 
has  influenced  both  masses  and  scholars  in  a  more  de¬ 
cided,  thoroughgoing  manner  than  Karl  Marx.  .  .  . 
He  was  one  of  the  sharpest  thinkers  and  readiest  dia¬ 
lecticians  ever  possessed  by  economic  science.  .  .  . 
His  ‘  Capital  ’  is  classical  and  indispensable  for  every 
one  who  wishes  to  concern  himself  earnestly  with  so¬ 
cial  and  economic  science.” 

Immediately  after  the  death  of  Marx,  meetings 
were  held  in  all  parts  of  the  United' States  and  else¬ 
where,  as  far  as  the  laws  would  allow  it,  to  do  honor 
to  his  memory.  One  characteristic  feature  of  these 
meetings  was  the  vow  which  was  taken  in  all  to 
spread  the  works  and  to  disseminate  the  ideas  of  their 
departed  leader.  At  the  mass-meeting  in  the  Cooper 


*  “  Woclienausgabe,”  23.  Miirz,  1883. 


KARL  MARX. 


175 


Institute,  in  New  York  city,  undoubtedly  the  largest 
one  held,  the  following  resolutions  were  read  and 
adopted  : 

“  In  common  with  the  workers  and  the  disinherited,  with  the  true 
friends  of  liberty  of  all  countries,  we  deplore  the  death  of  our  great 
thinker  and  champion,  Karl  Marx,  as  a  grievous  and  irreparable  loss 
to  the  cause  of  labor  and  freedom. 

“We  pledge  ourselves  to  keep  his  name  and  his  works  ever  in  re¬ 
membrance,  and  to  do  our  utmost  for  the  dissemination  of  the  ideas 
given  by  him  to  the  world. 

“  We  promise,  in  honor  of  the  memory  of  our  great  departed,  to 
dedicate  our  lives  to  the  cause  of  which  he  was  a  pioneer — the  strug¬ 
gle  in  which  he  left  so  noble  a  record — and  never,  at  any  moment,  to 
forget  his  great  appeal,  ‘  Workmen  of  the  world,  unite !’  ”* 

Similar  resolutions  were  adopted  at  the  other  meet¬ 
ings,  in  Baltimore,  Chicago,  Cleveland,  etc. 

Marx’s  followers  boast  particularly  of  two  discov¬ 
eries  which  he  made — viz.,  the  correct  theory  of  the 
development  of  history  and  his  doctrine  of  value. 
While  it  is  not  true  that  these  were,  by  any  means, 
entirely  original  with  him,  no  one  would  dispute  that 
his  presentation  is  worked  out  in  an  original  and  re¬ 
markable  manner. 

His  theory  of  history  is  that  it  is  a  development, 
and  is  shaped  at  each  period  by  the  economic  life  of 
the  people,  by  the  manner  in  which  goods  are  pro¬ 
duced  and  distributed.  He  takes,  as  his  starting- 
point,  the  fact  that  men  must  eat,  drink,  wear  clothes, 
and  find  shelter  from  rain,  snow,  and  cold.  Art,  re¬ 
ligion,  and  science  come  after  the  satisfaction  of  these 
elementary  wants.  The  production  of  wealth  by  slaves 
gave  form  to  the  history  of  the  classical  world,  while 
that  of  the  Middle  Ages  is  dominated  by  serfdom  and 
and  its  accessories.  The  governing  idea  of  the  pres¬ 
ent  age  is  capitalistic  production — that  is  to  say,  con- 


176 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


centration  of  large  masses  in  factories,  running  a  race 
with  immense  machines,  and  systematically  robbed  by 
their  employers.  When  we  take  the  view  that  his¬ 
tory  is  a  growth  governed  by  the  necessities  of  pro¬ 
duction,  past  ages  do  not  seem  so  inhuman  as  they 
otherwise  do.  It  has  hitherto  been  necessary  that  the 
vast  majority  should  toil  incessantly,  while  only  few 
devoted  themselves  to  the  pursuit  of  the  higher  goods. 
The  processes  of  production  were  so  primitive  and 
imperfect  that  it  was  physically  impossible  for  the 
many  to  enjoy  leisure  for  cultivating  their  minds 
and  bodies.  Hence  it  was  that  the  ancients  regarded 
slavery  as  necessary  and  natural.  Plato  and  Aristotle 
both  considered  it  a  law  of  nature,  just  the  same  as  it 
has  hitherto  been  supposed  that  private  property  in 
land  and  capital  was  a  law  of  nature  ;  whereas,  as  al¬ 
ready  shown  by  Kodbertus,  they  are  all  only  institu¬ 
tions  of  positive  and  changeable  law.  Private  prop¬ 
erty  in  the  instruments  of  production  can  be  abolished, 
as  private  property  in  human  beings  has  been.  This 
abolition  could  not,  however,  take  place  until  society 
had  made  such  advance  in  the  art  of  producing  goods 
that  all  requisites  for  human  existence  and  progress 
could  be  produced  without  requiring  the  unceasing 
toil  of  the  vast  majority.  That  time  has  come.  It  is 
now  easy  to  produce  all  the  requirements  of  civiliza¬ 
tion  and  at  the  same  time  to  leave  leisure  to  each  one 
to  make  the  most  of  himself.  Aristotle,  in  defending 
slavery,  uttered  words  which  sound  almost  like  a 
prophecy.  In  his  “  Politics  ”  (i.  4)  he  uses  this  lan¬ 
guage  :  “  Every  servant  is  an  instrument  more  valu¬ 
able  than  any  other  instrument.  For  if  every  in¬ 
strument  at  command,  or  from  foreknowledge  of  its 
master’s  will,  could  accomplish  its  special  work — if 


KARL  MARX. 


177 


the  shuttle  thus  should  weave  and  the  lyre  play  of  it¬ 
self — then  neither  would  the  architect  want  servants 
nor  the  master  require  slaves.”  These  remarks  seem 
to  contain  a  dim  foreboding  of  the  marvellous  inven¬ 
tion  of  machinery  which  has  taken  place  in  this  age, 
and  has  substituted  iron  and  steel  for  bone  and  muscle. 

A  feudal  aristocracy  was  once  required  to  protect 
and  guide  industry  and  agriculture.  The  growth  of 
the  bourgeoisie  in  the  cities  finally  rendered  feudalism 
an  antiquated  institution,  and  it  had  to  make  way  for 
the  third  estate,  under  whose  guidance  wealth  has  in¬ 
creased  most  marvellouslv  and  laborers  have  been 

%! 

gathered  together  and  organized.  But  the  bourgeoisie 
has  fulfilled  its  mission.  It  is  now  but  a  hinderance 
and  an  obstacle.  The  repeated  crises  and  the  contin¬ 
ual  concentration  of  property  in  the  hands  of  a  few 
mammoth  millionaires  prove  conclusively  that  they 
are  not  equal  to  the  task  of  leadership.  The  time  has 
arrived  when  the  proletariat ,  the  fourth  estate,  must 
take  the  reins  into  its  own  hands.  It  is  now  to  play 
the  grand  role  in  the  history  of  the  world.  “  With 
the  continually  decreasing  number  of  the  magnates  of 
capitalism,  who  usurp  and  monopolize  all  the  advan¬ 
tages  of  the  changed  form  of  production,  there  is  an 
accompanying  increase  in  the  mass  of  misery,  of  op¬ 
pression,  of  bondage,  of  degradation,  of  exploitation  ; 
but  there  also  arises  a  revolt  of  an  increasing  class  of 
laborers,  who  have  been  schooled,  united,  and  disci¬ 
plined  by  the  mechanism  of  the  capitalistic  processes 
of  production.  The  monopoly  of  capital  becomes  a 
shackle  to  the  method  of  production,  under  and  with 
which  it  has  grown  up.  The  concentration  of  the 
means  of  production  and  the  association  of  laborers 
reach  a  point  where  they  are  incompatible  with  their 

12 


178 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


capitalistic  shell.  The  shell  is  broken.  The  death- 
knell  of  capitalistic  private  property  sounds.  The 
expropriateurs  are  expropriated.”  *  Thus  dawns  a 
new  and  better  era  in  the  history  of  human  develop¬ 
ment. 

The  key  to  Marx’s  economic  doctrines  is  his  theory 
of  value,  with  an  exposition  of  which  “  Das  Kapital  ” 
opens.  It  is  based  on  Ricardo  and  Rodbertus,  but  is 
developed  and  defended  in  an  original  manner.  He 
begins  by  separating  value  in  use  from  value  in  ex¬ 
change.  Value  in  use  is  utility,  arising  from  the 
adaptation  of  an  article  to  satisfy  some  human  need. 
Air,  water,  sunshine,  wheat,  potatoes,  gold,  and  dia¬ 
monds  are  examples.  It  does  not  necessarily  imply 
exchange  value.  Many  goods  are  very  useful  but  not 
exchangeable,  because  they  are  free  to  all.  Such  is 
the  case,  usually,  with  water.  On  the  other  hand,  no 
good  can  have  value  in  exchange  unless  it  is  useful. 
Men  will  not  give  something  for  that  which  satisfies 
no  want  or  need.  Both  value  in  use  and  value  in  ex¬ 
change  are  utilities,  but,  as  they  differ,  there  must  be 
some  element  in  the  one  which  the  other  does  not  per 
se  contain.  We  find  what  that  is  by  analyzing  the 
constituent  elements  of  different  goods  which  possess 
exchange  value.  How  can  we  compare  them  ?  Only 
because  they  contain  some  common  element.  But 
what  is  there  in  common  between  a  horse  and  a 
house?  You  cannot  say  that  this  stick  is  longer  than 
that  sugar  is  sweet.  Yet  you  say  this  house  is  worth 
ten  times  as  much  as  that  horse.  Materials  are  not 
compared,  nor  stability  with  swiftness,  nor  color  with 
color.  The  common  element  is  found  alone  in  human 


*  “  Dus  Kapital,”  2te  Aufl.  S.  793. 


KARL  MARX. 


179 


labor.  You  compare  labor  with  labor.  It  requires  ten 
times  the  amount  of  average  social  labor  (gesellschcift- 
liche  Durchschnittsarbeitskraft )  to  secure  such  a  house 
as  it  does  to  put  one  in  possession  of  such  a  horse. 
Labor-time  is  the  measure  which  we  apply  to  differ¬ 
ent  commodities  in  order  to  compare  them.  We  mean 
thereby  the  ordinary  average  labor  which  is  required 
at  a  given  time  in  a  given  society.  The  average  man 
is  taken  as  a  basis,  together  with  the  average  advan¬ 
tages  of  machinery  and  the  arts.  This  is  average  so¬ 
cial  labor-time.  Complicated  labor  is  simply  a  mul¬ 
tiple  of  simple  labor.  One  man’s  labor,  which  has 
required  long  and  careful  training,  may  count  for  twice 
as  much  as  ordinary,  simple  labor ;  but  the  simple  la¬ 
bor  is  the  unit. 

This  distinction  between  value  in  use  and  value  in 
exchange  enables  us  to  understand  how  capitalists  ex¬ 
ploit  their  laborers.  They  pay  for  labor  its  exchange 
value,  which  depends  upon  the  cost  of  labor  or  the 
standard  of  life  of  the  laborer,  as  we  have  already 
seen  in  our  examination  of  Rodbertus’s  system.  What 
it  takes  to  support  a  laborer’s  family  is  the  exchange 
value  of  all  the  labor  which  can  be  got  out  of  that 
family. 

Let  us  suppose  that  a  laborer  requires  each  day 
goods  whose  value  is  denoted  by  A,  each  week  in  ad¬ 
dition  thereto  goods  denoted  by  B,  besides  quarterly 
needs  wdiich  are  satisfied  by  goods  whose  value  is  C. 
Then  his  support  for  each  day  will  require  the  value  of 

365  A  +  52B  +  4C* 

365 

Now,  if  it  requires  six  hours  to  produce  these  goods, 


*  “  Das  Kapital,”  S.  158. 


180 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


the  laborer  is  producing  surplus  value  if  he  labors 
more  than  that  time.  This  the  capitalist  requires  him  to 
do,  as  he  has  hired  his  entire  labor  power.  U nder  these 
circumstances,  the  laborer  who  works  twelve  hours  a 
day  for  his  employer  is  paid  for  six  hours’  work,  while 
he  is  robbed  of  the  product  of  the  other  six  hours’  la¬ 
bor.  The  capitalist  is  able  to  do  this  because  he  pos¬ 
sesses  the  means  of  production.  The  laborer  would 
gladly  work  without  recourse  to  the  capitalist,  but  he 
has  not  the  means,  the  instruments  with  which  to  pro¬ 
duce.  He  must  accede  to  the  terms  of  the  capitalist 
or  starve.  The  capitalist  goes  on  the  market  and 
finds  there  the  commodity,  labor,  for  which  he  pays 
its  value  in  exchange,  as  for  any  other  commodity. 
But  value  in  use  does  not  depend  upon  value  in  ex¬ 
change.  The  value  in  use  of  labor  to  the  capitalist  is 
all  that  he  can  squeeze  out  of  it.  The  capitalist  pock¬ 
ets  the  surplus  value,  and  it  becomes  capital,  enabling 
him  to  continue  and  enlarge  his  process  of  exploitation. 

Let  the  line, 

a - b - c, 

represent  the  labor  of  twelve  hours,  b  dividing  it  into 
two  equal  parts  ;  a - b  is  necessary  labor ;  b - c  is  un¬ 

paid  labor  productive  of  surplus  value.  It  is  the  cap¬ 
italist’s  interest  to  extend  b - c  as  much  as  possible,  as 

that  governs  his  accumulations.  Hence,  the  efforts  of 
employers  to  increase  the  length  of  a  day’s  labor  ; 

hence,  the  efforts  of  employees  to  shorten  a - c,  as 

they  thereby  diminish  the  amount  of  unpaid  labor, 
of  whose  value  they  are  robbed. 

This  enables  us  to  comprehend  the  significance  of 
Marx’s  definition  of  capital,  which  is  as  follows  :  “  A 
negro  is  a  negro.  In  certain  relations  he  becomes  a 
slave.  A  cotton-spinning-machine  is  a  machine  for 


KARL  MARX. 


181 


spinning  cotton.  It  becomes  capital  only  in  certain 
relations.  Capital  is  a  social  relation  existing  in  the 
processes  of  production.  It  is  an  historical  relation. 
The  means  of  production  are  not  capital  when  they 
are  the  property  of  the  immediate  producer.  They 
become  capital  only  under  conditions,  in  which  they 
serve  at  the  same  time  as  the  means  of  exploiting  and 
ruling  the  laborer.  .  .  .  The  foundation  of  the  capi¬ 
talistic  method  of  production  is  to  be  found  in  that 
theft  which  deprived  the  masses  of  their  rights  in  the 
soil,  in  the  earth,  the  common  heritage  of  all.”  *  That 
is  to  say,  Marx  limits  the  name  capital  to  economic 
goods  in  the  hands  of  employers. 

The  capitalist  buys  the  commodity  labor  (£),  for  mon¬ 
ey  (m),  and  sells  its  product  for  more  money  (m-f). 
The  formula  of  capitalistic  production  is  therefore 
7u— l— m- f .  In  the  socialistic  state,  the  +,  surplus 
value,  vanishes.  The  entire  product  belongs  to  the 
producer.  If  he  exchanges  it  for  other  products  by 
means  of  money  which  must  be  based  on  labor-time 
— labor-time  money — the  formula  will  be  c  —  m  —  c. 
Money  becomes  simply  a  medium  of  exchanging  com¬ 
modities  (c)  of  equal  value.  The  only  source,  then,  of 
obtaining  the  fruits  of  labor  will  be  —labor,  physical 
or  mental,  but  always  labor  of  some  kind  or  another. 
Idlers  will  disappear  from  the  earth.  The  race  of 
parasites  will  become  extinct. 

One  of  Marx’s  most  important  doctrines  is  his  the¬ 
ory  of  crises.  During  prosperous  times  manufacturers 
employ  all  the  men,  women,  and  children  who  will 
work.  The  laboring  classes  prosper,  marriage  is  en¬ 
couraged,  and  population  increases.  Suddenly  there 


*  Quoted  by  Knies  in  “  Das  Geld,”  S.  53. 


182  FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 

comes  a  commercial  crisis.  The  greater  part  of  the 
laborers  are  thrown  out  of  employment,  and  are  main¬ 
tained  by  society  at  large  ;  that  is,  the  general  public 
has  to  bear  the  burden  of  keeping  the  laborers — the 
manufacturer’s  tools — for  their  employer  until  he  may 
need  them  again.  These  laborers  without  work  consti¬ 
tute  an  army  of  reserve  forces  for  the  manufacturer. 
When  times  begin  to  improve,  he  again  gradually  re¬ 
sumes  business,  and  becomes  more  prosperous.  The  la¬ 
borer’s  wages  have  previously  been  reduced  on  account 
of  hard  times,  and  the  manufacturer  is  not  obliged  to 
raise  them,  as  there  is  a  whole  army  in  waiting,  glad 
to  take  work  at  any  price.  “  If  a  surplus  labor  popu¬ 
lation  is  a  necessary  result  of  the  accumulation  or  the 
development  of  wealth  on  a  capitalistic  basis,  this  sur¬ 
plus  population  is  in  turn  a  lever  of  capitalistic  accu¬ 
mulation.  It  forms  an  always  ready,  industrial  re¬ 
serve  army  which  belongs  as  absolutely  to  capital  as 
if  it  had  been  at  the  expense  of  raising  it.  .  .  .  Surplus 
capital  presses  forward  with  frenzy  into  all  established 
branches  of  production, whose  market  suddenly  widens, 
arid  into  new  ones,  as  railroads,  etc.,  the  need  of  which 
springs  from  this  development.  In  all  such  cases  must 
large  masses  of  men  suddenly,  and  without  loss  to  the 
leaders  of  production  in  other  places,  be  ready  to  be 
employed  at  the  important  point.  These  masses  are 
furnished  by  the  surplus  population.”* 


*  “  Das  Kapital,”  S3.  656,  657. 


INTERNATIONAL  WORKINGMEN’S  ASSOCIATION.  183 


CHAPTER  XI. 

THE  INTERNATIONAL  WORKINGMEN’S  ASSOCIATION. 

The  International  Workingmen’s  Association  (7b- 
ternationale  Arbeiter association )  is  a  society  based  on 
social  democratic  principles,  and  intended  to  embrace 
all  the  laborers  of  Christendom.  The  International¬ 
ists  believe  that  working-men,  having  nothing  to  hope 
from  the  higher  classes,  must  fight  out  their  own  eman¬ 
cipation.  They  hold,  also,  that  the  interests  of  labor 
throughout  the  civilized  world  are  so  vitally  connected, 
that  it  is  necessary  for  all  lands  to  march  together. 
They  are  thoroughgoing  cosmopolitans. 

The  following  permanent  “  statutes  ”  (by-laws)  were 
adopted  at  its  first  meeting  in  London,  September,  1864, 
and  confirmed  at  its  congress  in  Geneva  in  1866  : 

“In  consideration  that  the  emancipation  of  the  laboring  classes 
must  be  accomplished  by  the  laboring  classes,  that  the  battle  for  the 
emancipation  of  the  laboring  classes  does  not  signify  a  battle  for 
class  privileges  and  monopolies,  but  for  equal  rights  and  duties,  and 
the  abolition  of  class  rule ; 

“  That  the  economic  dependence  of  the  laboring  man  upon  the  mo¬ 
nopolist  of  the  implements  of  work,  the  sources  of  life,  forms  the 
basis  of  every  kind  of  servitude,  of  social  misery,  of  spiritual  degra¬ 
dation,  and  political  dependence ; 

“  That,  therefore,  the  economic  emancipation  of  the  laboring  classes 
is  the  great  end  to  which  every  political  movement  must  be  subordi¬ 
nated  as  a  simple  auxiliary  ; 

“  That  all  exertions  which,  up  to  this  time,  have  been  directed  towards 
the  attainment  of  this  end,  have  failed  on  account  of  the  wrant  of 


184 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


solidarity  between  the  various  branches  of  labor  in  every  land,  and 
by  reason  of  the  absence  of  a  brotherly  bond  of  unity  between  the 
laboring  classes  of  different  countries  ; 

“  That  the  emancipation  of  labor  is  neither  a  local  nor  a  national, 
but  a  social,  problem,  which  embraces  all  countries  in  which  modern 
society  exists,  and  whose  solution  depends  upon  the  practical  and 
theoretical  co-operation  of  the  most  advanced  lands ; 

“  That  the  present  awakening  of  the  laboring  classes  in  the  indus¬ 
trial  lands  of_Europe  gives  occasion  for  new  hope,  but  at  the  same 
time  contains  a  solemn  warning  not  to  fall  back  into  old  errors,  and 
demands  an  immediate  union  of  the  movements  not  yet  united ; 

“ - ,  in  consideration  of  all  these  circumstances,  the  First  Inter¬ 

national  Labor  Congress  declares  that  the  International  Working¬ 
men’s  Association,  and  all  societies  and  individuals  belonging  to  it, 
recognize  truth,  right,  and  morality  as  the  basis  of  their  conduct 
towards  one  another  and  their  fellow-men,  without  respect  to  color, 
creed,  or  nationality.  This  congress  regards  it  as  the  duty  of  man 
to  demand  the  rights  of  a  man  and  citizen,  not  only  for  himself,  but 
for  every  one  who  does  his  duty.  No  rights  without  duties ;  no  du¬ 
ties  without  rights.” 

The  International  resolved  to  hold  yearly  congress¬ 
es.  Its  members  have  met  at  Geneva  at  least  twice, 
at  Basle,  at  Lausanne,  at  the  Hague,  and  other  places. 
It  is  not  necessary  to  give  the  history  of  these  differ¬ 
ent  meetings,  as  they  were  all  of  one  general  charac¬ 
ter.*  Their  importance  consists  in  the  repeated  em¬ 
phasis  given  to  the  thought  of  the  oneness  of  the  in¬ 
terests  of  laborers  in  all  civilized  states.  Delegates 
at  the  congresses  gave  reports  of  progress,  of  strikes, 
reductions  in  labor-time,  and  of  all  matters  likely  to 
interest  the  working  classes.  Measures  for  continuing 
the  propaganda  more  successfully  were  discussed.  The 


*  A  good  account  is  given  in  Rudolf  Meyer’s  “  Emancipations- 
kampf,”  etc.,  Bd.  i.  SS.  93-1 H.  The  Frenchman  Villetard  has  written 
a  “  History  of  the  International,”  which  was  translated  into  English  by 
Susan  M.  Day,  and  published  in  New  Haven  in  lSH. 


\ 

INTERNATIONAL  WORKINGMEN’S  ASSOCIATION.  185 

congress  at  the  Hague  in  1872  is  more  important  than 
the  others,  as  it  witnessed  a  split  in  the  ranks  of  the 
Internationalists.  The  original  International  stood 
under  the  influence  of  Marx,  who  was  the  guiding 
spirit  of  its  general  council,  with  its  seat  at  London. 
The  whole  arrangement  was  that  of  a  strong  govern¬ 
ment.  Some  were  envious  of  Marx,  and  others — the 
Anarchists — objected  to  the  principles  of  the  organiza¬ 
tion.  Bakounine  led  the  opposition,  and  a  new  Inter¬ 
national  was  formed,  based  on  anarchic  principles.  In¬ 
stead  of  a  General  Council,  they  instituted  a  Federal 
Council.  The  Internationalists  of  the  country  where 
the  next  congress  was  to  be  held  carried  on  the  corre¬ 
spondence  wdth  the  various  societies,  gathered  statis¬ 
tics,  etc.  Thus,  their  leading  body,  their  central  organ 
(not  authority),  changed  from  year  to  year.  Each 
land  was  left  free  to  conduct  its  agitation  in  its  own 
way,  and  every  individual  atom,  i.  e.,  local  organiza¬ 
tion,  was  left  free  to  come  and  go  as  it  pleased.  The 
Anarchists,  and  other  adherents  of  this  newer  branch, 
made  strenuous  efforts  to  spread  their  organization,  and 
were  particularly  successful  in  Spain,  where  Bakou¬ 
nine  was  their  representative.  Both  Internationals 
held  congresses  in  Geneva  in  1873. 

It  is  often  supposed  that  the  International  is  dead. 
This  is  a  great  mistake.  The  formal  organization  of 
the  old  International  was  dissolved  in  1875  ;  but  the 
original  spirit  survived.  I  am  much  inclined  to  think 
that  the  association  founded  by  Bakounine  has  still 
a  formal  organization,  but,  however  that  may  be,  the 
International  to  all  intents  and  purposes  is  stronger 
to-day  than  it  ever  was  before. 

Membership  in  the  International  is  one  of  the  con¬ 
ditions  of  membership  in  the  revolutionary  organiza- 


186 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


tion  of  the  Black  Hand  in  Spain.*  Prince  Krapot- 
kine  and  others  were  this  year  condemned  to  impris¬ 
onment  for  belonging  to  an  International  Association 
of  Laborers,  and  to-day  organizations  are  being  formed 
in  America,  with  the  title  of  Branches  of  the  Inter¬ 
national  Association  of  Laborers.  At  the  great  mass 
meeting  held  in  Cooper  Union  to  honor  the  memory 
of  Karl  Marx,  March  19,  1883,  speeches  were  delivered 
in  English,  German,  Russian,  and  other  languages,  to 
illustrate  the  spirit  of  the  International,  and  to  im¬ 
press  upon  laborers  the  fact  that  at  such  a  time  no 
differences  existed  between  them  due  to  the  accident 
of  nationality.  One  of  the  speakers  declared  trium¬ 
phantly  to  the  audience  that  the  spectacle  they  were 
then  witnessing  was  conclusive  proof  that  the  Inter¬ 
national  still  lived.  He  was  right. 

The  International  has  caused  the  governments  of 
Europe  no  inconsiderable  alarm  at  various  times,  and 
it  is  likely  that  its  importance  has  been  overrated. 
Still  it  must  be  acknowledged  that  the  existence  of 
such  a  society,  presided  over  by  a  man  of  undoubted 
ability,  spreading  itself  over  Europe  and  America, 
was  in  itself  a  significant  fact.  Its  importance  must 
by  no  means  be  estimated  by  the  number  of  its  de¬ 
clared  adherents  or  the  attendance  at  its  congresses. 
Where  one  laborer  avows  himself  openly  an  Inter¬ 
nationalist,  we  may  be  sure  that  there  are  twenty 
holding  like  views  who  conceal  them  from  motives  of 
policy.  Moreover,  the  society  is  still  in  its  infancy. 
It  may  yet  play  a  role  in  the  world’s  history. 

At  present,  the  International  appears  like  a  little 


*  Vide  De  Laveleye’s  “  European  Terror  ”  ( Fortnightly  Review , 
April,  1883). 


INTERNATIONAL  WORKINGMEN’S  ASSOCIATION.  187 

cloud  on  the  horizon,  no  larger  than  a  man’s  hand,  but 
it  is  possible  that  it  points  to  growths  and  formations 
which  in  the  future  shall  darken  the  heavens  with 
black  and  heavy  clouds.  It  is  possible,  it  foreshadows 
a  tragedy  of  world-wide  import,  which  shall  make  all 
the  cruelty  and  terror  of  the  French  Revolution  sink 
into  utter  insignificance.  It  is  possible,  it  portends 
the  destruction  of  old,  antiquated  institutions,  and  the 
birth  of  a  new  civilization  in  a  night  of  darkness  and 
horror,  in  which  the  roll  of  thunder  shall  shake  the 
earth’s  foundations,  and  the  vivid  glare  of  lightning 
shall  reveal  a  carnival  of  bloodshed  and  slaughter. 

These  are  all  possibilities,  but  let  us  trust  that  they 
are  not  probabilities.  The  International  Working¬ 
men’s  Association  is  one  of  many  signs  which  gives  us 
reason  to  hope  for  a  continued  growth  of  international 
relations  ;  and  this  growth  may  terminate  in  that 
longed-for  internationalism,  which  shall  lead  to  the 
formation  of  a  world  -  organization,  guaranteeing  to 
the  nations  of  the  earth  perpetual  peace.  There  are 
numerous  evidences  of  this  development,  of  which  the 
following  are  a  few  examples  ;  the  international  post¬ 
al  union,  international  congresses,  international  courts 
of  arbitration,  and  the  efforts  to  establish  international 
factory  legislation.  It  was  once  hoped  that  free-trade 
would  help  on  the  good  work  by  knitting  nation  to 
nation  so  firmly  that  they  would  realize  the  identity 
of  their  interests.  In  this  people  have  been  disap- 
pointed.  Free-trade  has  united,  perhaps,  a  few  great 
merchants  and  manufacturers,  and  led  to  cosmopolitan 
feelings  among  the  wealthier  classes.  The  masses 
have  never  been  affected  by  questions  of  international 
commerce.  It  may  be  that  an  international  union  be¬ 
tween  the  laborers  of  all  lands  will  finally  force  upon 


188 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


men  the  recognition  of  the  folly  and  crime  of  war,  and 
will  bring  to  pass  that  peace  and  good-will  among 
men  prophesied  so  long  ago.  Would  not  that  be  a 
grand  regeneration  of  this  old  world,  nay,  may  I  not 
say,  a  new  creation,  not  less  glorious  than  that  earlier 
one,  “  when  the  morning  stars  sang  together,  and  all 
the  sons  of  God  shouted  for  joy”? 


FERDINAND  LASSALLE. 


189 


/ 


CHAPTER  XII. 

FERDINAND  LASSALLE. 

The  most  interesting  figure  in  the  history  of  social 
democracy  is  incontestably  Ferdinand  Lassalle.  In 
some  respects  he  resembled  Marx.  He  also  was  of 
Hebrew  descent,  and  belonged  to  the  higher  classes  of 
society.  Both  were  interested  in  the  welfare  of  the 
lower  classes,  and  made  sacrifices  willingly  in  behalf 
of  their  cause.  Both  intended  to  become  university 
professors,  and  there  is  not  the  shadow  of  a  reason  to 
doubt  that  both  might  have  succeeded  as  such.  Las¬ 
salle,  the  son  of  a  wealthy  wholesale  merchant  of 
Breslau,  was  born  in  1825.  His  father  wished  him  to 
devote  himself  to  business,  but  Lassalle  was  too  fond 
of  his  studies  to  consent.  He  went  to  the  univer¬ 
sities  of  Breslau  and  Berlin,  where  he  devoted  himself 
to  philology  and  philosophy.  His  career  as  a  student 
was  brilliant  in  the  extreme.  The  most  distinguished 
men  of  the  time  were  carried  away  with  admiration. 
Wilhelm  von  Humboldt  called  him  “  Das  Wunderkind”  J 
— “  The  Miraculous  Child.”  His  first  literary  work 
was  an  exposition  of  the  “  Philosophy  of  Heraclitus 
the  Obscure.” *  *  “  Before  this  book,”  to  use  the  words 

of  another,  “  Humboldt  and  the  whole  world  bent 

* 

*  “Die  Philosophie  Heracleitos  des  Dunkeln,”  2  Bde.  On  account 
of  his  absorption  in  the  celebrated  Hatzfeldt  case  for  eight  years,,  it 
was  not  published  until  1858. 


190 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


the  knee.”  Lassalle’s  second  important  work  was  one 
on  a  system  of  jurisprudence  entitled,  “  The  System 
of  Acquired  Rights  ” — “  Das  System  der  erworbenen 
Rechte”  (2  Bde.).  The  great  jurist  Savigny  called  it 
the  ablest  legal  book  which  had  been  written  since 
the  sixteenth  century.  It  was  published  in  1861.  Be¬ 
fore  this,  Lassalle  had  become  interested  in  the  case 
of  the  Countess  von  Hatzfeldt,  the  misused  wife  of  a 
wealthy  but  brutal  man.  While  he  was  indulging  in 
the  most  extravagant  dissipation,  she  was  obliged  to 
live  in  cramped  circumstances.  The  Countess  had 
begun  a  suit  against  her  husband  for  separation  and 
alimony,  but  did  not  make  much  headway  until  Las¬ 
salle  took  charge  of  the  case,  in  1846.  After  an  eight 
years’  contest,  he  secured  a  brilliant  triumph.  The 
Countess,  although  over  forty,  was  still  beautiful,  and 
Lassalle,  in  taking  up  her  case,  appears  to  have  been 
actuated  by  the  same  motives  as  the  knights-errant 
of  an  earlier  period  who  went  about  redressing  wrong 
and  protecting  the  weak.  The  entire  affair  is  illus¬ 
trative  of  his  fiery,  romantic  temperament. 

It  was  in  1862  that  Lassalle  began  his  agitation  in 
behalf  of  the  laboring  classes,  an  agitation  which  re¬ 
sulted  in  the  formation  of  the  German  Social  Demo¬ 
cratic  Party.  Previous  to  his  time,  German  laborers 
had  been  considered  contented  and  peaceable.  It  had 
been  thought  that  a  working-men’s  party  might  be  es¬ 
tablished  in  France  or  England,  but  that  it  was  hope¬ 
less  to  attempt  to  move  the  phlegmatic  German  labor¬ 
ers.  Lassalle’s  historical  importance  lies  in  the  fact 
that  he  was  able  to  work  upon  the  laborers  so  power¬ 
fully  as  to  arouse  them  to  action.  It  is  due  to  Las¬ 
salle  above  all  others  that  German  working-men’s  bat¬ 
talions,  to  use  the  social  democratic  expression,  now 


FERDINAND  LASSALLE. 


191 


form  the  vanguard  in  the  struggle  for  the  emancipa¬ 
tion  of  labor. 

Lassalle’s  wfitings  did  not  advance  materially  the 
theory  of  social  democracy.  He  drew  from  Rodbertus 
and  Marx  in  his  economic  writings,  but  he  clothed 
their  thoughts  in  such  manner  as  to  enable  ordinary 
laborers  to  understand  them,  and  this  they  never  could 
have  done  without  such  help.  Even  for  an  educated 
man  their  wrorks  are  not  easy  reading  ;  for  the  un¬ 
educated  they  are  quite  incomprehensible.  Lassalle’s 
speeches  and  pamphlets  were  eloquent  sermons  on 
texts  taken  from  Marx.  Lassalle  gave  to  Ricardo’s 
law  of  w^ages  the  designation,  the  iron  law  of  wages, 
and  expounded  to  the  laborers  its  full  significance, 
showing  them  how  it  inevitably  forced  wages  down 
to  a  level  just  sufficient  to  enable  them  to  live.  He 
acknowledged  that  it  was  the  key-stone  of  his  system, 
and  that  his  doctrines  stood  or  fell  with  it. 

Laborers  were  told  that  this  law  could  be  over¬ 
thrown  only  by  the  abolition  of  the  wages  system. 
How  Lassalle  really  thought  this  was  to  be  accom¬ 
plished  is  not  so  evident.  He  proposed  to  the  laborers 
that  government  should  aid  them  by  the  use  of  its  cred¬ 
it  to  the  extent  of  100,000,000  of  thalers,  to  establish 
co-operative  associations  for  production ;  and  a  great 
deal  of  breath  has  been  wasted  to  show  the  inade¬ 
quacy  of  his  proposed  measures.  Lassalle  could  not 
himself  have  supposed  that  so  insignificant  a  mat¬ 
ter  as  the  granting  of  a  small  loan  would  solve  the 
labor  question.  He  recognized,  however,  that  it  was 
necessary  to  have  some  definite  party  programme  to 
insure  success  in  agitation,  and  could  think  of  no  bet¬ 
ter  plan  at  the  time  than  to  work  for  universal  suf¬ 
frage  and  a  government  subsidy.  He  wrote  to  his 


192 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


friend  Rodbertus  to  the  effect  that  he  was  willing  to 
drop  the  latter  plank  in  his  platform,  if  something 
better  could  be  suggested.*  It  would  be  going  too 
far  to  say  that  he  was  positively  insincere,  for  he  might 
have  thought  that  if  government  had  voted  the  pro¬ 
posed  credit  of  one  hundred  millions,  it  would  have 
opened  the  way  for  other  reforms.  He  might  have 
regarded  this  modest  proposal  merely  as  an  entering 
wedge. 

Lassalle  took  this  project  of  productive  co-operative 
associations  founded  on  government  loans  from  Louis 
Blanc,  with  whose  work  he  was  well  acquainted ;  in¬ 
deed,  as  he  began  his  agitation,  he  wrote  to  the  French 
socialist,  and  requested  some  kind  of  an  open  letter  of 
recognition  which  should  give  him  credit  with  the 
laborers. f  We  may  get  some  clew  to  thoughts  pos¬ 
sibly  lingering  in  the  background,  which  Lassalle 
might  have  intended  to  express  later  by  recalling  the 
proposals  of  the  Frenchman.  Louis  Blanc,  as  will  be 
remembered,  wished  government  to  use  its  power  of 
taxation  to  assist  the  social  workshops  with  large  ad¬ 
vances  of  money,  for  which  no  interest  was  to  be 
charged.  No  one  was  to  be  forced  to  join  these 
ateliers  sociaux.  According  to  this  scheme  private 
manufacturers  are  allowed  to  continue  their  busi¬ 
ness  as  long  as  they  choose.  However,  as  no  in¬ 
terest  is  paid  for  the  government  loans  to  the  co- 


*  Vide  “  Briefe  von  Lassalle  und  Carl  Rodbertus-Jagetzow,  mit 
einer  Einleitung  von  Adolf  Wagner”  (Berlin,  1878),  SS.  44,  67,  71, 
72. 

\  This  matter  was  referred  by  Louis  Blanc  to  Karl  Blind,  who  ad¬ 
vised  him  to  not  grant  the  request,  as  he  had  no  faith  in  Lassalle, 
believing  that  he  intended  from  the  start  to  “  sell  out  ”  to  Bismarck. 
Vide  article  on  Louis  Blanc,  in  Die  Gegenwart ,  6.  Januar,  1883. 


FERDINAND  LASSALLE. 


193 


operative  undertakings,  the  public  establishments  will 
be  in  a  position  to  undersell  private  employers  of 
labor  and  thus  compel  them  to  fall  in  line.  The 
only  possible  termination  is  the  socialistic  state.  As 
Lassalle  was  thoroughly  informed  concerning  Blanc’s 
ideas,  it  is  quite  possible  that  in  the  course  of  time 
he  may  have  intended  to  go  equally  far.  The  wTay 
he  presented  the  matter  to  the  laborers  was  some¬ 
what  as  follows  :  There  exists  at  present  a  conflict 
between  labor  and  capital,  which  must  be  abolished. 
This  contradiction  between  the  elements  of  produc¬ 
tion  can  only  be  terminated  by  their  union  in  co¬ 
operative  associations,  in  wdiich  no  capitalist  comes 
between  the  working-man  and  the  fruits  of  his  toil,  to 
levy  toll  thereon.  But  at  the  present  time  only  large 
establishments  can  succeed,  as  the  increased  division 
of  labor  makes  it  necessary  to  employ  a  large  force 
of  men,  and  mechanical  inventions  have  forced  pro¬ 
ducers  to  use  many  and  expensive  machines.  The 
laborers  have  not  the  means  to  found  large  manufac¬ 
tories  ;  consequently  government  must  advance  these 
means  in  order  to  cause  the  existing  and  unhappy  so¬ 
cial  conflict  to  cease.  Government  is  to  advance  capi¬ 
tal  to  different  groups  of  laborers,  who  conduct  vari¬ 
ous  enterprises.  These  groups  are  associated,  new 
ones  are  continually  added,  and,  finally,  their  united 
power  is  so  great  that  they  can  stand  alone  without 
government  aid. 

This  all  appears  harmless  enough,  and  no  govern¬ 
ment  would  be  justified  in  refusing  100,000,000  of  tha¬ 
lers,  or  $75,000,000,  if  so  much  good  could  be  done 
by  it.  But  one  of  the  ablest  men  of  his  time  must 
have  been  fully  conscious  of  the  utter  insufficiency  of 
such  a  sum.  If  he  had  any  other  idea  in  his  mind 

13 


194 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


than  simply  to  use  his  demand  of  government  as  a 
rallying-point  for  purposes  of  agitation,  it  cannot  well 
he  doubted  that  he  had  further  petitions  to  address 
to  government  as  soon  as  they  had  granted  his  first 
one.  It  is  not  at  all  improbable  he  might  have  been 
willing  to  see  collateral  inheritances  abolished,  and 
the  income  derived  therefrom  devoted  to  co-operative 
undertakings.  Proposals,  like  abolition  of  interest  on 
loans,  must  have  followed,  with  the  view  of  rendering 
private  competition  impossible.  Thus  would  be  intro¬ 
duced  the  socialistic  state  longed  for  by  the  social 
democratic  party  founded  by  Lassalle. 

“On  the  23d  of  May,  1863,  German  social  democ¬ 
racy  was  born.  Little  importance  was  attached  to  the 
event  at  the  time.  A  few  men  met  at  Leipsic,  and, 
under  the  leadership  of  Ferdinand  Lassalle,  formed  a 
new  political  party  called  the  ‘Universal  German 
Laborers’  Union’  (‘Der  Allgemeine  Deutsche  Ar- 
beiterverein ’).  That  was  all.  Surely,  no  one  could 
be  expected  to  ascribe  great  weight  to  the  fact  that  a 
handful  of  working-men,  led  by  a  dreamer,  had  met 
and  passed  a  few  resolutions — resolutions,  too,  as  mod¬ 
est  in  their  expression  of  purpose  as  they  were  harm¬ 
less  in  ajipearance.  It  was  simply  declared  that  the 
laborers  ought  to  be  represented  in  the  different  Ger¬ 
man  parliaments,  as  only  thus  could  their  interests  be 
adequately  cared  for  and  the  opposition  between  the  va¬ 
rious  classes  of  society  terminated;  and  in  view  of  this 
fact  it  was  resolved  that  the  members  of  the  Union 
should  avail  themselves  of  all  peaceful  and  legal  means 
in  endeavoring  to  bring  about  universal  suffrage. 

“But  it  was  soon  discovered  that  the  members  of 
the  Union,  the  first  organization  in  Germany  of  social 
democracy,  desired  political  power  only  as  a  means  of 


FERDINAND  LASSALLE.  105 

overthrowing  entirely  the  existing  order  of  the  pro¬ 
duction  and  distribution  of  wealth.”* 

Lassalle  never  tired  of  representing  in  vivid  colors 
the  injustice  of  our  present  social  institutions.  The 
crimes,  selfishness,  and  heartlessness  of  the  bourgeoisie 
were  unfailing  topics  in  his  agitation.  The  laborers 
were  told  that  they  had  no  right  to  be  contented  with 
their  lot.  It  is  this  damnable,  easily  satisfied  disposi¬ 
tion  of  you  German  laborers  which  is  your  ruin,  they 
were  told.f 

“  The  German  laborer  was  finally  moved.  His  an¬ 
ger  and  discontent  became  permanent  and  terrible  in 
proportion  as  it  had  been  difficult  to  arouse  him.  He 
was  not  to  be  easily  pacified.  He  soon  showed  strength 
and  determination  in  such  manner  as  to  attract  the 
attention  of  the  civilized  world.  Statesmen  grew  pale 
and  kings  trembled.”  J 

Lassalle  did  not  live  to  see  the  fruits  of  his  labors, 
lie  met  with  some  success  and  celebrated  a  few  tri¬ 
umphs,  but  the  Union  did  not  flourish  as  he  hoped. 

At  the  time  of  his  death  he  did  not  appear  to  have  a 
firm,  lasting  hold  on  the  laboring  population.  There 
then  existed  no  social-democratic  party  with  political 
power.  Although  Lassalle  lost  his  life  in  a  duel,  which 
had  its  origin  in  a  love  affair,  and  not  in  any  struggle 
for  the  rights  of  labor,  he  was  canonized  at  once  by 
the  working-men,  and  took  his  place  among  the  great¬ 
est  martyrs  and  heroes  of  all  times.  His  influence  in¬ 
creased  more  than  tenfold  as  soon  as  he  ceased  to  live. 

*  Quoted  from  my  article  on  “Bismarck’s  Plan  for  Insuring  Ger-  J 
man  Laborers”  ( International  Review ,  May,  1882). 

f  Vide  Lassalle’s  “Ronsdorfer  Rede,”  held  May  22,  1864,  and  pub¬ 
lished  in  Berlin. 

%  See  first  note  above. 


196 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


This  was  not  entirely  undeserved.  Men  remembered 
and  appreciated  better  his  extraordinary  talents  and 
his  ardent,  romantic  temperament.  Even  Bismarck, 
with  whom  he  had  been  personally  acquainted,  took 
occasion  once,  in  the  Reichstag,  to  express  his  admira¬ 
tion  for  Lassalle.  I  was  in  Germany  at  the  time,  and 
remember  well  what  a  sensation  his  words  created. 
He  expressed  himself  as  follows  :  *  “I  met  Lassalle 
three  or  four  times.  Our  relations  were  not  of  a  po¬ 
litical  nature.  Politically  he  had  nothing  wdiich  he 
could  offer  me.  He  attracted  me  extraordinarily  as  a 
private  man.  Lassalle  was  one  of  the  most  gifted  and 
amiable  men  with  whom  I  have  ever  associated — a 
man  who  was  ambitious  on  a  grand  scale,  but  not  the 
least  of  a  republican.  He  had  a  very  marked  inclina¬ 
tion  towards  a  national  monarchy  ;  the  idea  towards 
the  attainment  of  which  his  efforts  were  directed  was 
the  German  Empire,  and  in  this  we  found  a  point  of 
contact.  Lassalle  was  ambitious  on  a  grand  scale, 
and  whether  the  German  Empire  should  close  with 
the  house  of  Hohenzollern  or  the  house  of  Lassalle, 
that  was  perhaps  doubtful ;  but  his  sympathies  were 
through  and  through  monarchical.  .  .  .  Lassalle  was 
v  an  energetic  and  exceedingly  clever  man,  and  it  was 
always  instructive  to  talk  with  him.  Our  conversa¬ 
tions  have  lasted  for  hours,  and  I  have  always  regret¬ 
ted  their  close.  ...  It  would  have  given  me  great 
pleasure  to  have  had  a  similarly  gifted  man  for  a 
neighbor  in  my  country  home.” 

It  has,  indeed,  been  stated  that  Lassalle,  at  the 
time  of  his  death,  had  some  thoughts  of  making  terms 


*  On  the  17th  of  September,  1878.  I  translate  Bismarck’s  words 
as  given  in  his  “  Ausgewahlte  Reden,”  Bd.  iii.  SS.  131,  132. 


FERDINAND  LASSALLE. 


197 


with  the  Prussian  government.  lie  was  to  come  out 
as  a  supporter  of  Bismarck,  and  to  receive  a  high  ap¬ 
pointment  in  return.  I  am  unable  to  say  how  much 
truth  there  may  be  in  this  report.  It  is  possible  he 
may  have  begun  to  lose  faith  in  social  democracy  ; 
still  it  must  be  confessed  that  he  was  not  a  man  to  be 
easily  diverted  from  a  purpose  which  he  had  once 
formed.  This  is  abundantly  shown  by  his  indomita¬ 
ble  perseverance  in  the  case  of  the  Countess  von  Ilatz- 
feldt.  It  is  nevertheless  significant  that  the  second 
edition  of  his  “  System  of  Acquired  Rights,”  which 
appeared  in  1881,  was  edited  by  Lothar  Bucher,  who 
bears  the  title  of  privy-councillor  and  holds  a  high 
position  under  the  government  in  Berlin. 

There  are  three  doctrines  upon  which  the  social 
democratic  leaders  lay  especial  stress  in  their  attacks 
on  the  economic  institutions  of  to-day. 

The  first  is  “Das  eherne  Lohngesetz  ” — “The  Iron 
Law  of  Wages” — or  “Cruel  Iron  Law  of  Wages,”  as 
it  is  also  called.  It  is  with  this  law  that  the  name  of 
Lassalle  is  especially  connected. 

The  second  doctrine  teaches  the  systematic  robbery 
of  laborers  by  capitalists.  They  rob  them  by  taking 
from  them  all  the  surplus  value  which  they  produce, 
over  and  above  the  means  necessary  to  sustain  life. 
This  is  Marx’s  doctrine  of  the  appropriation  of  sur¬ 
plus  value  ( Melirwertli )  by  employers. 

The  third  doctrine  is  Marx’s  theory  of  industrial 
crises  and  panics. 

What  is  “The  Iron  Law  of  Wages”?  It  is,  as  al¬ 
ready  stated,  only  Lassalle’s  statement  and  interpreta¬ 
tion  of  Ricardo’s  “  Law  of  Wages.”  Ricardo  expresses 
his  law  in  these  words  :  “  The  natural  price  of  labor 
is  that  price  which  is  necessary  to  enable  the  laborers, 


198  FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 

one  with  another,  to  subsist  and  to  perpetuate  their 
race,  without  either  increase  or  diminution.”  Ricardo 
has  previously  explained  what  is  to  be  understood  by 
market  price  and  what  by  natural  price.  Market  price 
is  the  price  actually  obtained  for  an  .article;  the  natural 
price  is  that  which  pays  labor  and  the  profits  of  capi¬ 
tal.  Through  miscalculation,  too  much  or  too  little 
of  a  commodity  is  at  times  offered  on  the  market,  and 
it  departs  from  its  natural  price.  If  too  little  is  of¬ 
fered,  profits  will  be  too  high,  and  capital  will  rush  to 
the  production  of  the  commodity  in  order  to  gain  the 
unusual  profits,  until  competition  forces  them  down 
to  the  usual  rate,  or,  very  likely,  below  it,  when  capi¬ 
tal  will  be  withdrawn  from  the  production  of  said 
commodity.  So  the  market  price  fluctuates  about  the 
natural  price  with  a  continual  tendency  to  return  to 
it.  Row,  labor  is  a  commodity,  and  may  be  increased 
or  diminished  in  quantity  like  other  commodities.  In 
an  advancing  state  of  society  the  market  price  will  be 
above  the  natural  price,  and  may  continue  so  for  a 
long  time ;  but  early  and  frequent  marriages  and 
large  families  will  produce  all  the  labor  required,  and 
reduce  it  to  its  natural  price  eventually.  In  a  declin¬ 
ing  state  of  society,  on  the  other  hand,  labor  would 
sink  below  its  natural  price,  and  the  supply  would  di¬ 
minish  on  account  of  frequent  deaths,  few  marriages, 
and  small  families. 

This  law  of  wages  may  be  difficult  for  those  to 
comprehend  who  are  not  thoroughly  familiar  with 
economic  discussions.  In  order  to  make  it  clearer,  I 
will  quote,  with  a  few  changes  and  abbreviations, 
a  passage  of  some  length  from  John  Stuart  Mill,* 


*  “  Political  Economy,”  bk.  ii.  chap.  xi.  sec.  2. 


FERDINAND  LASSALLE. 


199 


giving  a  lucid  explanation  of  the  law.  “Mr.  Ri¬ 
cardo  assumes,”  says  Mill,  “that  there  is  every¬ 
where  a  minimum  rate  of  wages — either  the  lowest 
with  which  it  is  physically  possible  to  keep  up  the 
population,  or  the  lowrnst  writh  wffiich  the  people  will 
choose  to  do.  To  this  minimum  he  assumes  that  the 
general  rate  of  wages  always  tends  ;  that  they  can 
never  be  lower  beyond  the  length  of  time  required 
for  a  diminished  rate  of  increase  to  make  itself  felt, 
and  can  never  long  continue  higher.  This  assumption 
contains  sufficient  truth  to  render  it  admissible  for  the 
purposes  of  abstract  science.  .  .  .  But  in  the  applica¬ 
tion  to  practice  it  is  necessary  to  consider  that  the 
minimum  of  wdiich  he  speaks,  especially  when  it  is  not 
a  physical,  but  what  maybe  termed  a  moral  minimum, 
is  itself  liable  to  vary.”  A  rise  of  the  price  of  food 
will  permanently  lower  the  standard  of  living  of  la¬ 
borers,  “in  case  their  previous  habits  in  respect  of 
population  prove  stronger  than  their  previous  habits 
in  respect  of  comfort.  In  that  case  the  injury  done 
to  them  will  be  permanent,  and  their  deteriorated  con¬ 
dition  will  become  a  new  minimum,  tending  to  perpet¬ 
uate  itself  as  the  more  ample  minimum  did  before.” 
It  is  to  be  feared  that  this  is  the  way  in  which  a  rise 
in  the  price  of  provisions  usually  operates.  “  There  is 
considerable  evidence  that  the  circumstances  of  the 
agricultural  laborers  in  England  have  more  than  once 
in  our  history  sustained  great  permanent  deteriora¬ 
tion  from  causes  which  operated  by  diminishing  the 
demand  for  labor,  and  which,  if  population  had  exer¬ 
cised  its  power  of  self-adjustment,  in  obedience  to  the 
previous  standard  of  comfort,  could  only  have  had  a 
temporary  effect ;  but,  unhappily,  the  poverty  in  which 
the  class  was  plunged  during  a  long  series  of  years 


200 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


brought  that  previous  standard  into  disuse,  and  the 
next  generation,  growing  up  without  having  possessed 
those  pristine  comforts,  multiplied  in  turn  without 
any  attempt  to  retrieve  them.”  .  .  .  The  salutary  effect 
of  a  fall  in  the  price  of  food  is  of  no  permanent  value 
“  if  laborers  content  themselves  with  enjoying  the 
greater  comfort  while  it  lasts,  but  do  not  learn  to  re¬ 
quire  it.  .  .  .  If  from  poverty  their  children  had  pre¬ 
viously  been  insufficiently  fed  or  improperly  nursed, 
a  greater  number  will  now  be  reared,  and  the  compe¬ 
tition  of  these,  when  they  grow  up,  will  depress  wages 
probably  in  full  proportion  to  the  greater  cheapness 
of  food.  If  the  effect  is  not  produced  in  this  mode, 
it  will  be  produced  by  earlier  and  more  numerous 
marriages,  or  by  an  increased  number  of  births  to  a 
marriage.”  I  believe  Mill  renders  the  law  as  plain  as 
it  can  be  made,  without  entering  into  subjects  foreign 
to  this  work.  The  standpoint  is  this:  labor  is  a  com¬ 
modity,  like  wheat  or  potatoes,  which  is  increased  or 
decreased  according  to  the  existing  demand.  The  la¬ 
borers  live  not  for  themselves,  but  solely  for  the  high¬ 
er  classes,  in  particular,  for  the  capitalists.  This  is 
the  way  Lassalle  expresses  it  to  the  laborers  of  Frank¬ 
fort  in  an  eloquent  speech,  which  has  not  yet  ceased 
to  be  a  power  in  Germany:  “  What  is  the  consequence 
of  that  law,  which,  as  I  have  proved  to  you,  is  accepted 
by  all  political  economists  ?  What  is  the  consequence 
of  the  same?  I  ask.  You  believe,  perhaps,  laborers 
and  fellow-citizens,  that  you  are  human  beings — that 
you  are  men.  Speaking  from  the  standpoint  of  politi¬ 
cal  economy,  you  make  a  terrible  mistake.  Speaking 
from  the  standpoint  of  political  economy,  you  are 
nothing  but  a  commodity,  a  high  price  for  which  in¬ 
creases  your  numbers,  just  the  same  as  a  high  price 


201 


/ 

FERDINAND  LASSALLE. 

for  stockings  increases  the  number  of  stockings,  if 
there  are  not  enough  of  them  ;  and  you  are  swept 
away,  your  number  is  diminished  by  smaller  wages — 
by  what  Malthus  calls  the  preventive  and  positive 
checks  to  population  ;  your  number  is  diminished,  just 
as  if  you  were  vermin  against  which  society  wages 
war.”  Lassalle  then  shows  them  how  much  shorter 
the  average  of  life  is  among  the  laboring  classes  than 
among  the  wealthy.  He  demonstrates  to  them  that 
poor  and  insufficient  food  means  starvation.  “  There 
are,  gentlemen,”  says  he,  “  two  ways  of  dying  of  star¬ 
vation.  It,  indeed,  happens  seldom  that  a  man  falls 
down  dead  in  a  moment  from  hunger  ;  but  when  a 
man  is  subjected  to  a  greater  expenditure  of  power 
than  he  is  able  to  replace,  on  account  of  poor  food  or 
a  miserable  mode  of  life — when  he  gives  out  more 
physical  energy  than  he  takes  in — then,  I  say,  he  dies 
of  slow  starvation.” 

Rehearse  this  in  a  thousand  different  ways  and  with 
all  the  resources  of  oratorical  art,  to  laborers  really  ill- 
fed,  ill-housed,  and  ill-clothed,  and  you  shall  indeed 
find  yourself  soon  standing  upon  a  volcano,  whose 
forces  are  no  longer  latent  and  slumbering. 

In  his  definition  of  capital  Lassalle  clothes  the  same 
thought  contained  in  his  “Iron  Law  of  Wages”  in 
other  words.  The  definition  reads  as  follows  :  “  Cap¬ 
ital  exists  where  a  division  of  labor  obtains  and  where 
production  consists  in  the  creation  of  values  in  ex¬ 
change,  and  in  such  a  system  of  production  it  is  the 
advance  of  labor  already  performed  (congealed,  coag¬ 
ulated  labor),  which  is  necessary  to  sustain  the  life  of 
the  producer.  This  advance  of  coagulate^  labor  brings 
it  to  pass  that  the  excess  of  labor’s  product  over  and 
above  what  is  necessary  to  support  the  life  of  the  pro- 


202 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


ducer  accrues  to  the  person  or  persons  who  made  the 
advance.” 

The  more  one  reflects  upon  this  definition,  the  more 
meaning  is  discovered  in  it.  It  has  furnished  the  text 
for  many  a  social-democratic  sermon.  Like  Marx,  Las- 
salle  holds  that  capital  is  based  on  a  theft — on  that  theft, 
namely,  “  which  deprived  the  masses  of  their  right  in 
the  soil,  in  the  earth — the  common  heritage  of  all.” 

It  is  substantially  the  same  doctrine  which  we  have 
met  with  so  often — viz.,  that  labor  alone  is  the  source 
of  wealth,  and  if  capitalist  and  landlord  could  be  swept 
out  of  existence  the  entire  social  product  would  go  to 
the  laborer.  It  resulted  from  a  one-sided  development 
of  certain  teachings  of  Adam  Smith’s  “  Wealth  of  Na¬ 
tions.”  “The  produce  of  labor,”  says  Adam  Smith, 
in  one  place — and,  as  will  be  seen,  he  means  the  en¬ 
tire  product — “  constitutes  the  natural  recompense  or 
wages  of  labor. 

“  In  that  original  state  of  things  which  precedes 
both  the  appropriation  of  land  and  the  accumulation  of 
stock,  the  whole  produce  of  labor  belongs  to  the  la¬ 
borer.  He  has  neither  landlord  nor  master  to  share 
with  him. 

“Had  this  state  continued,  the  wages  of  labor 
would  have  augmented  with  all  those  improvements 
in  its  productive  powers  to  which  the  division  of  labor 
gives  occasion.  All  things  would  gradually  have  be¬ 
come  cheaper.  They  would  have  been  produced  by  a 
smaller  quantity  of  labor ;  and  as  the  commodities 
produced  by  equal  quantities  of  labor  would  naturally, 
in  this  state  of  things,  be  exchanged  for  one  another, 
they  would  have  been  purchased  likewise  with  the 
produce  of  a  smaller  quantity.”  * 


*  Blc.  i.  cli.  viii. 


FERDINAND  LASSALLE. 


203 


Repeat  this  to  the  man  toiling  and  moiling  for  a 
bare  subsistence,  while  he  crouches  before  the  em¬ 
ploying  capitalist  surfeited  in  luxury;  or  to  the  poor 
tenant  farmer,  whose  half-starved  family  can  hardly 
find  the  wherewithal  to  cover  their  nakedness,  while 
his  absentee  landlord  indulges  in  the  extravagant 
pleasures  of  a  gay  capital — and  do  you  imagine  that 
from  it  he  will  be  slow  to  draw  a  very  natural  conclu¬ 
sion,  and  one  fraught  with  tremendous  practical  con¬ 
sequences  ?  If  that  originally  and  naturally  belonged 
to  him  which  another  now  enjoys,  will  he  not  long  to 
return  to  the  state  of  nature  ?  As  he  reflects  upon  his 
wrongs  and  sufferings,  will  he  not  be  filled  with  hatred 
toward^  that  one  who,  as  he  thinks,  unjustly  and  cruel¬ 
ly  keeps  him  from  the  fruits  of  his  labor  ?  And  as 
time  goes  on,  and  the  hardships  he  endures  sink  more 
and  more  deeply  into  his  mind,  will  he  not  finally,  in 
desperation,  resolve  to  put  down  his  oppressor,  be  he 
landlord  or  be  he  capitalist,  and  to  reverse,  by  the 
force  of  a  strong  right  arm,  an  unnatural  and  artificial 
social  organization  ? 

In  that  thought  and  in  that  determination  origi¬ 
nated  social  democracy. 


204 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

THE  IDEAL  OF  SOCIAL  DEMOCRACY. 

Social  democrats  form  the  extreme  wing  of  the 
socialists,  though,  at  present,  many  of  them  are  in¬ 
clined  to  lay  so  much  stress  on  equality  of  enjoyment, 
regardless  of  the  value  of  one’s  labor,  that  they  might, 
perhaps,  more  properly  be  called  communists.  Rut 
as  they  are  usually  known  as  social  democrats,  and  as 
the  name  is  not  likely  to  lead  to  misunderstanding, 
there  is  no  reason  why  we  should  not  adhere  to  the 
ordinary  appellation,  especially  as  there  are  those 
among  them  who  do  not  favor  equality.  They  ought 
scarcely  to  be  called  simply  socialists. 

They  have  two  distinguishing  characteristics.  The 
vast  majority  of  them  are  laborers,  and,  as  a  rule,  they 
expect  the  violent  overthrow  of  existing  institutions 
by  revolution  to  precede  the  introduction  of  the  so¬ 
cialistic  state.  I  would  not,  by  any  means,  say  that 
they  are  all  revolutionists,  but  the  most  of  them  un¬ 
doubtedly  are.  The  tendency  of  their  popular  writ¬ 
ings  is  revolutionary.  They  are  calculated  to  accus¬ 
tom  the  thoughts  to  revolution,  and  to  excite  the 
feelings  of  laborers  to  such  a  pitch  as  to  prepare  them 
for  risking  all  in  battle.  If  one  of  their  prominent 
organs,  as,  for  example,  Their  People’s  Calendar  ( Per 
arme  Conrad — “The  Poor  Conrad”)  for  1878,  is  ex¬ 
amined,  one  finds  revolution  mentioned  frequently, 


THE  IDEAL  OF  SOCIAL  DEMOCRACY. 


205 


y  and  invariably  in  such  manner  as  to  popularize  revo¬ 
lution  as  revolution.  Even  the  most  exceptionable 
doings  of  the  masses  in  the  French  Revolution,  in  the 
revolutions  of  1848,  and  in  the  insurrection  of  the 
commune  in  1871,  are  glorified.  Every  fallen  labor¬ 
er  becomes  a  hero  and  a  martyr.  Hitherto  the  people 
— so  the  readers  of  the  Arme  Conrad  are  told — have 
fought  for  others,  but  the  next  time  they  engage  in 
battle  it  will  be  for  themselves,  and  they  will  then 
obtain  their  well-earned  wages. 

The  most  general  demands  of  the  social  democrats 
are  the  following :  The  state  should  exist  exclusively 
for  the  laborers  ;  land  and  capital  must  become  col¬ 
lective  property,  and  production  be  carried  on  united¬ 
ly.  Private  competition,  in  the  ordinary  sense  of  the 
term,  is  to  cease.  Officers,  especially  charged  with 
this  function,  are,  by  means  of  carefully  collected 
statistics,  to  regulate  production  according  to  the 
needs  of  the  people.  Our  present  money  is  to  be  re¬ 
placed  by  money  representing  labor  units  ;  labor  is  to 
become  the  sole  purchasing  power.  One  of  the  par¬ 
ty  programmes  requires  a  distribution  of  products  ac¬ 
cording  to  the  needs  of  each  recipient.  Some  of  the 
planks  of  the  social  democratic  platforms  would  find 
sympathy  with  the  best  people  in  America  and  Eng¬ 
land.  So,  for  example,  their  unceasing  demand  that 
even  the  present  state  should  forbid  work  on  Sunday, 
the  employment  of  very  young  children,  and  labor  in¬ 
jurious  to  the  health  and  morality  of  working- women. 
Social  democrats  have  never  failed  to  recognize  the 
advantages  of  education  and  the  need  of  improved 
methods  of  instruction.  Their  cry,  as  that  of  all 
popular  leaders,  is  to  increase  the  appropriations  for 
educational  purposes.  It  is  unfortunately  significant 


206 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


that  while  in  America  proposals  to  decrease  the  pitia¬ 
ble  salaries  of  school-teachers  and  otherwise  diminish 
school  expenses  are  often  calmly  and  favorably  list¬ 
ened  to  by  even  the  poorer  people,  in  Germany  no 
popular  politician  or  newspaper  would  dare  advocate 
such  measures.  Every  project  for  increasing  the 
school  appropriations  is  there  regarded  with  favor  by 
the  great  masses  of  the  people. 

Even  now,  despite  the  movement  of  the  party,  as  a 
whole,  towards  communism,  many  of  the  best  edu¬ 
cated  and  most  intelligent  of  the  social  democrats 
are,  no  doubt,  socialistically,  rather  than  communisti- 
cally,  inclined.  I  am  speaking  here  not  of  the  pro¬ 
fessional  agitators — those  who  make  the  most  noise. 
These  classes  control  the  social  democratic  conven¬ 
tions,  and  since  the  death  of  Lassalle  they  have 
approached  more  and  more  nearly  to  the  purest  com¬ 
munism.  By  those  who  are  socialistically  inclined,  I 
mean  such  members  of  the  party  as  do  not  think  of 
all  as  occupying  like  positions  in  the  socialistic  state, 
but  expect  it  will  be  organized  more  on  the  plan  of 
an  army.  It  is,  in  fact,  on  this  account  that  so  many 
social  democrats  look  with  complacency  on  the  great 
standing  armies  of  modern  times,  which  include  every 
able-bodied  man  in  their  service  for  a  considerable 
^  period  of  his  life.  They  are  training-schools  for  the 
future  social  organization.  It  will  thus  be  seen  that 
emulation  and  rivalry  are  provided  for,  as  at  present 
in  the  army.  Those  who  serve  society  best  will  be 
promoted.  The  higher  officers  will  receive  larger  sal¬ 
aries  than  the  lower,  while  the  rank  and  file  will  cor¬ 
respond  to  the  laborers  of  to-day.  Industry  and  in¬ 
telligence  will  enable  one  to  rise,  but  there  will  be 
no  heaping  up  of  private  productive  property  from 


THE  IDEAL  OF  SOCIAL  DEMOCRACY.  207 

/ 

generation  to  generation,  for  all  the  means  of  pro¬ 
duction  will  be  in  the  hands  of  the  state — that  is,  of 
society  collectively.  Property  which  will  not  enable  ^ 
one  to  avoid  labor,  as  books,  pictures,  statuary,  all 
sorts  of  ornaments,  household  furniture,  etc.,  will  re¬ 
main  private  property,  and  be  transmitted  from  fa¬ 
ther  to  son.  The  children  of  the  higher  orders  of 
society  will,  of  course,  still  enjoy,  to  a  certain  extent, 
superior  advantages,  inasmuch  as  they  usually  inherit 
greater  talents,  besides  receiving  the  inestimable  ad¬ 
vantage  of  the  personal  training  of  gifted  and  highly 
educated  parents.  Fathers  and  mothers,  it  might  be 
expected,  would  take  more  care  than  at  present  in 
bringing  up  their  children,  knowing  that  their  social 
rank  depended  entirely  on  their  ability  to  make  them¬ 
selves  useful  to  society. 

In  a  state  like  Prussia,  where  there  is  now  a  splen¬ 
did  civil  service,  the  office-holders  are  often  children 
of  office-holding  fathers — are,  in  fact,  not  rarely  de¬ 
scended  from  families  which  have  held  office  for  gen¬ 
erations.*  The  offices  are  open  to  universal  competi¬ 
tion,  and  are  kept  in  the  same  families  only  by  the 
exertions  of  the  children  and  the  self-denial  of  parents, 
in  expending  a  large  part  of  their  incomes  in  giving 
them  the  best  possible  advantages.  This  might  be  ex- J 
pected  to  continue  to  a  considerable  extent  in  the  ideal 
socialistic  state.  No  one  could,  however,  leave  his 
children  much  else  than  personal  talents  and  abilities 
well  developed,  save  such  articles  of  enjoyment  as 
have  been  mentioned — paintings,  old  family  plate,  etc. 
Houses,  lands,  shops,  machines,  and  everything  which 
yields  an  income,  belong  to  the  socialistic  state.  No 


*  BeamtenfamiUe  is  a  common  expression. 


208 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


one  could  be  left  in  such  a  position  as  to  avoid  exer¬ 
tion  of  some  kind.  All  are  thought  of  as  workers,  but 
not  what  we  call  common  laborers.  There  would  be 
artists,  writers,  physicians,  etc.,  as  now.  If  any  child 
of  even  the  poorest  member  of  society  should  give 
satisfactory  evidence  of  any  special  aptitude  or  talent 
which  might  be  developed  so  as  to  become  useful  to 
society,  provision  would  be  made  for  his  special  train¬ 
ing  after  leaving  the  common- school.  Every  one 
would  have  an  opportunity  to  attain  the  highest  de¬ 
velopment  of  which  he  was  capable.  Those  who  were 
meant  by  nature  for  wood-choppers  would  not  lead  an 
idle  life  of  dissipation,  consuming  the  fruits  of  other 
people’s  labor. 

It  is  supposed  that  there  would  be  no  financial  pan¬ 
ics,  with  their  terrible  consequences,  in  the  socialistic 
state.  Indeed,  if  the  socialistic  ideas  could  be  carried 
out,  panics  would  be  impossible.  Every  new  inven¬ 
tion,  every  advance,  would  accrue  to  the  benefit  of  all. 
The  greater  the  product,  the  greater  the  value  of 
each  day’s  labor  ;  and  each  one  would  receive  the  full 
product  of  his  labor,  as  no  capitalist  would  retain  a 
part.  Capital  exists  and  increases,  but  always  re¬ 
mains  common  property.  All  could  live  better  ;  since 
many  fold  as  much  would  be  produced  as  now.  At 
present  the  chief  difficulty  appears  to  be  to  avoid 
over-production.  Government  appoints  a  committee 
in  Prussia  to  inquire  into  the  cause  of  the  late  depres¬ 
sion,  and  they  report  over-production  ;  in  England, 
committees  also  investigate  and  report  likewise  ;  in 
America,  business  companies  and  factory  owners  ex¬ 
plain  their  distress  by  over-production,  and  are  obliged 
to  enter  into  mutual  agreements  to  produce  less.  In 
the  socialistic  state  over-production  is  an  impossibil- 


Tud  IDEAL  OF  SOCIAL  DEMOCRACY.  209 

ity.  The  great  waste  of  competition,,  furthermore, 
would  cease  with  the  competition  itself.  Two  rail¬ 
roads  wrould  not  he  built  to  perform  the  service  wdiich 
one  could  render  as  wrell,  nor  would  six  dry -goods 
shops  exist  in  a  town  where  two  wrould  be  amply 
sufficient.  This  saving  of  capital,  labor,  energy,  and 
talent  would  benefit  all  alike.  Strikes,  then  unheard- 
of  save  as  a  reminiscence  of  the  past,  would  no  longer 
be  a  considerable  element  in  the  cost  of  production. 
Business  failures  would  cease  to  impoverish  the  widow 
and  the  orphan. 

It  is  impossible  at  present  to  enter  into  a  criticism 
of  social  democracy  and  attempt  to  separate  the  true 
from  the  false.  The  comparison,  however,  which  so¬ 
cial  democrats  make  between  the  future  organization 
of  society  and  that  of  the  army  is  suggestive.  It 
might  be  that  we  could  afford  to  put  up  with  what 
that  implies,  if  we  attained  thereby  all  that  is  hoped  ; 
still  it  is  terrible  to  think  of  army  discipline  extend¬ 
ing  itself  over  society  in  all  its  ramifications.  To 
many — to  the  majority — the  restraint  would  be  a  very 
great  evil.  Then  it  must  be  remembered  that  army 
discipline  is  maintained  at  the  cost  of  no  inconsider¬ 
able  amount  of  actual,  positive  suffering.  As  Roscher 
pointedly  remarks,  there  are  thirty  offences  punishable 
wdtli  death  according  to  the  military  penal  code. 

I  have  thus  presented,  in  their  most  favorable  aspect, 
the  doctrines  of  social  democrats,  apart  from  the  agi¬ 
tators  wTlio  now  preach  them.  The  next  chapter  wTill 
afford  an  opportunity  to  judge  vdiether  or  not  the  so¬ 
cial  democratic  leaders  of  the  present  are  men  of  such 
a  character  that  it  would  be  wise  to  give  them  despotic 
power  over  one’s  life  and  actions. 

Social  democracy  is  not  now  precisely  what  it  was 

14 


210  FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 

when  it  lost  Ferdinand  Lassalle,  its  greatest  agitator. 
Nevertheless,  he  is  still  its  father.  It  is  the  product 
of  his  activity.  Lassalle  did  not  write  history  :  he 
created  it.  He  accomplished  certain  facts  which  no 
power  can  undo.  He  infused  into  the  minds  of  Ger¬ 
man  laborers  new  thoughts,  ideas,  aspirations.  Ger¬ 
man  emigrants  become  missionaries,  and  carry  with 
them,  as  they  believe,  a  gospel  of  hope  and  promise, 
wherever  they  go.  They  hold,  as  Lassalle  taught 
them,  “  that  they  are  the  state,  that  all  political  pow¬ 
er  ought  to  be  of  and  through  and  for  them,  that  their 
good  and  amelioration  ought  to  be  the  aim  of  the 
state,  that  their  affair  is  the  affair  of  mankind,  that 
their  personal  interest  moves  and  beats  with  the  pulse 
of  history,  with  the  living  principle  of  moral  develop¬ 
ment.”  * 

Thus  have  new  factors,  for  good  or  for  bad,  entered 
into  the  life  of  the  world,  and  with  them  we  must 
deal. 


*  John  Rae  ( Contemporary  Review ,  June,  1881). 


SOCIAL  DEMOCRACY  SINCE  LASSALLE. 


211 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

SOCIAL  DEMOCRACY  SINCE  TIIE  DEATH  OF  LASSALLE. 

The  last  chapter  contained  a  description  of  the  de¬ 
sires  and  demands  of  the  German  social  democratic 
party,  without  entering  into  any  discussion  of  the 
careers  and  characters  of  its  leaders  or  of  the  organi¬ 
zations  which  have  been  formed  to  support  its  pro¬ 
gramme.  This  chapter  will  treat  of  what  may  be 
called  social  democracy  in  the  concrete.  I  shall  first 
take  up  the  external  history  of  the  political  party 
which  is  designated  by  that  name,  and  then  enter 
into  a  consideration  of  its  internal  history.  By  its  ex¬ 
ternal  history  I  mean  an  account  of  its  outward  life, 
as  manifested  in  the  field  of  politics  ;  by  its  internal 
history  I  mean  a  description  of  the  men  who  have  led 
the  party,  and  a  presentation  both  of  the  ideas  which 
have  controlled  it  and  the  measures  which  it  has 
adopted  in  its  political  and  economic  propaganda. 

It  was  the  introduction  of  universal  suffrage  by  the 
North  German  Confederation,  in  1867,  and  by  the 
German  Empire,  in  1871,  which  enabled  the  social 
democrats  to  enter  into  political  contests  with  any 
reasonable  hope  of  success.  German  laborers  do  not 
appear  previously  to  have  played  any  role  in  the  poli¬ 
tics  of  their  country.  The  Prussian  constitution  is  so 
constructed  as  to  give  a  preponderating  influence  to 
wealth.  This  is  not  the  place  to  explain  the  Prussian 


212 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


system  of  voting.  It  is  only  necessary  to  remark  that 
the  voters  are  divided  into  three  classes,  according  to 
their  wealth,  and  that  a  voter  of  the  wealthiest  class 
in  Berlin  counts  for  as  much  as  fifteen  voters  of  the 
poorest  class.  The  laborer  could  not,  of  course,  hope 
to  gain  political  influence  with  such  tremendous  odds 
against  him.  It  was  to  enable  the  poor  man  to  fight 
his  own  battles  that  Lassalle  demanded  universal  and 
equal  suffrage  for  all.  This  was,  as  will  be  remem¬ 
bered,  the  only  explicit  demand  of  the  social  demo¬ 
cratic  party,  contained  in  the  statutes  or  by-laws  of 
the  “Universal  German  Laborers’  Union.”  Lassalle 
appears  to  have  been  acquainted  with  Bismarck’s  in¬ 
tention  to  embrace  it  in  the  constitution  of  the  em¬ 
pire  he  was  striving  to  found,  and  hoped  great  things 
therefrom.  But  as  he  died  in  1864,  and  the  citizens 
of  the  North  German  Confederation  first  voted  in 
1867,  he  was  never  able  to  make  use  of  it  in  his  agi¬ 
tation.  It  is  not  often  profitable  to  speculate  upon 
what  might  have  happened  if  this  or  that  event  had 
not  occurred,  but  it  is  self-evident  that  Lassalle’s  agi¬ 
tation  would  have  been  very  formidable  if  he  could 
have  led  the  laborers  to  the  ballot-box  and  defended 
their  cause,  first  in  the  North  German,  afterwards  in 
the  Imperial,  parliaments,  with  all  the  resources  of  his 
learning,  mental  acumen,  and  impassioned  eloquence. 
Lassalle’s  death  discouraged  the  social  democrats  for 
a  moment  only.  It  can  scarcely  be  said  that  it  caused 
an  interruption  in  the  progress  of  the  party,  though 
this  progress  would,  we  may  believe,  have  been  far 
more  rapid  had  he  lived.  However,  his  death  itself 
was  made  useful.  Living,  he  could  scarcely  have  been 
glorified  as  he  was  after  his  death,  and  his  name  could 
not  have  so  influenced  the  laborers. 


SOCIAL  DEMOCRACY  SINCE  LASSALLE. 


213 


The  social  democrats  entered  into  the  contest  for 
election  of  members  to  the  Constituent  Assembly  of 
the  North  German  Confederation.  In  one  of  the  dis¬ 
tricts  their  candidate  ran  against  Bismarck  and  a  lead¬ 
ing  liberal,  and  received  about  one  fourth  of  the  votes 
cast  for  the  three  candidates.  As  no  one  received  a 
majority,  a  new  election  was  ordered,  and  Bismarck 
was  elected  by  the  aid  of  the  social  democrats,  who 
always  prefer  conservatives  to  liberals.  As  Bismarck 
was  elected  in  another  district,  it  was  necessary  to 
vote  for  a  third  time  in  this  place,  when  the  social 
democrat  ran  against  the  celebrated  liberal,  Dr.  Gneist, 
Professor  of  Constitutional  Law  in  the  University  of 
Berlin,  and  one  of  the  leading  jurists  in  Germany. 
The  votes  were  about  evenly  divided,  but  the  social 
democrat  was  defeated  by  a  small  majority.  The  so¬ 
cial  democrats  elected  two  representatives,  however, 
and  in  the  fall  of  the  same  year  (1867)  they  sent  eight 
members  to  the  Parliament  of  the  North  German  Con¬ 
federation. 

Since  the  organization  of  the  German  Empire  the 
social  democratic  votes  for  members  of  the  Imperial 
Parliament  (Reichstag)  have  numbered  as  follows : 
1871,  123,975  ;  1874,  351,952  ;  1877,  493,288;  1878, 
437,158.  The  entire  number  of  votes  cast  in  1877 
was  5,401,021.  We  see,  then,  that  the  social  demo¬ 
cratic  voters  numbered  over  one  eleventh  of  all  the 
voters  in  that  year.  When  it  is  remembered  that 
there  are  nine  or  ten  political  parties  represented  in 
the  Reichstag,  it  must  be  acknowledged  that  the  elec¬ 
tions  revealed  a  large  relative  strength  of  the  social 
democratic  party.  Its  votes  have,  however,  been  so 
scattered  that  it  has  not  had  its  proportionate  number 
of  representatives  in  Parliament.  The  social  demo- 


214 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


cratic  members  of  the  Reichstag  numbered  two  in 
1871,  nine  in  1874,  twrelve  in  1877,  and  nine  in  1878. 
The  total  number  of  members  of  the  Reichstag  is 
about  four  hundred.  It  is  thus  seen  that  the  social 
democratic  party  advanced  in  strength,  as  far  as  that 
is  measured  by  votes,  until  1878,  when  the  decrease 
was  only  slight.  Two  attempts  were  made  on  the  life 
of  the  Emperor  William  in  that  year,  and  the  social 
democrats  had  to  bear  a  good  share  of  the  blame. 
There  was  a  considerable  popular  indignation  mani¬ 
fested  ;  private  employers,  as  well  as  government, 
discharged  laborers  who  entertained  social  democratic 
principles  ;  and  in  the  elections  following  the  police 
put  every  obstacle  in  the  way  of  the  party.  In  the 
Reichstag  the  celebrated  socialistic  law  was  passed, 
wThich  gave  government  exceptional  and  despotic  pow¬ 
ers  to  proceed  against  social  democracy.  The  severity 
of  the  government  appears  to  have  done  more  harm 
than  good.  In  spite  of  what  can  be  fairly  designated 
as  persecution,  in  the  elections  which  took  place  in 
October,  1881,  the  social  democrats  secured  thirteen 
seats,  the  largest  number  they  have  ever  yet  gained.* 
This  is,  indeed,  significant  when  it  is  remembered  that 
the  exceptional  law  (Aiisnahmegesetz)  allows  severe 
measures  against  the  social  democrats  which  would 
not  even  be  thought  of  against  any  other  party.  Gov¬ 
ernment  has  thus  been  enabled  to  suspend  all  their 
party  newspapers,  to  prohibit  the  sale  of  their  books 
and  pamphlets,  and  to  suppress  all  public  agitation  of 
the  party.  Their  associations  were  dissolved,  and  for 


*  One  candidate  was  elected  in  two  districts  which  required  a  new 
election  in  one  of  them,  in  which  the  social  democrats  lost.  This  re¬ 
duced  the  number  of  their  members  to  twelve. 


SOCIAL  DEMOCRACY  SINCE  LASSALLE.  215 

a  hotel-keeper  even  to  rent  them  rooms  for  a  meeting 
was  made  an  offence  punishable  with  imprisonment  for 
a  length  of  time  varying  from  one  month  to  a  year. 

The  German  government  was  undoubtedly  placed 
in  a  trying  position,  but  they  appear  to  have  made  a 
mistake.  It  is  said  that  at  the  time  the  Ausnahmege- 
setz  was  passed,  things  were  in  a  bad  way  with  the  so¬ 
cial  democrats.  They  had  twenty  or  thirty  journals, 
but  many  of  them  were  on  the  point  of  bankruptcy. 
Differences  existed  in  the  party,  and  no  one  seemed 
to  know  what  to  do  next.  It  is  possible,  if  the  party 
had  been  left  alone,  it  might  have  fallen  into  a  sad 
state  of  disorganization,  and  have  become  so  weak  that 
it  would  have  ceased  to  trouble  the  peace  of  the  gov¬ 
ernment  for  years.  However  this  might  have  been,  it 
is  certain  that  the  measures  of  government  were  not 
altogether  unwelcome  to  the  party  leaders.  It  relieved 
them  of  numerous  perplexities.  It  was  much  better, 
e.  gn  for  them  to  have  their  newspapers  and  magazines 
suspended  by  government  than  to  cease  to  appear  for 
lack  of  support.  Governmental  persecution  united 
the  divided  members  and  gave  new  energy  to  all. 
Every  social  democratic  laborer  experienced,  to  a 
certain  extent,  the  elevating  feelings  of  martyrdom. 
They  all  became  secret  missionaries,  distributing 
tracts  and  exhorting  individually  their  fellow -la¬ 
borers  to  join  the  struggle  for  the  emancipation  of 
labor. 

The  German  social  democrats  have  held  two  con¬ 
gresses  since  the  socialistic  law,  both,  of  course,  on 
foreign  soil,  and  both  have  indicated  progress.  The 
first  was  held  at  Wyden,  Switzerland,  August  20-23, 
1880.  This  resulted  in  a  complete  triumph  for  the 
more  moderate  party.  The  two  leading  extremists, 


216 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


Hasselmann  and  Most,  were  both  expelled  from  the 
party — the  former  by  all  save  three  votes,  the  latter 
by  all  save  two. 

The  next  congress  was  held  at  Copenhagen,  Den¬ 
mark,  from  March  29  to  April  2,  1883.  It  exhibited 
V  greater  unanimity  of  sentiment  and  plan,  and  a  more 
wide  -  spread  interest  in  social  democracy,  than  any 
previous  congress.  One  feature  of  interest  was  the 
very  considerable  financial  aid  from  America  which 
was  reported.* 

“  Bismarck  has  acknowledged  that  the  measures 
which  government  has  adopted  up  to  this  time  have 
not  proved  successful  in  weakening  social  democracy, 
or  in  checking,  in  any  effectual  manner,  its  spread 
among  the  people.  But  he  claims  that  he  has  not  as 
yet  carried  out  his  full  programme.  This  is  true. 
During  the  discussion  upon  the  socialistic  law  of  Oc¬ 
tober  21,  18*78,  he  declared  distinctly  that  he  did  not 
expect  to  cure  the  masses  of  the  disease  of  social 
democracy  by  repressive  measures  alone.  Something 
more  than  external  remedies  was  needed.  The  social 
democrats  had  built  upon  well-grounded  discontent  of 
the  people,  and  he  proposed  to  win  back  the  masses 
for  king  and  fatherland  by  removing  the  grounds  of 
discontent.  These  grounds  were  of  an  economic  nat¬ 
ure.  Wages  were  low,  taxes  high,  work  scarce,  and 
the  entire  economic  existence  of  the  lower  classes  un¬ 
certain  and  full  of  anxiety.  But  what  was  to  be  done 
about  it?  No  one  knew  exactly,  but  all  looked  for¬ 
ward  with  eagerness  to  Bismarck’s  proposals.  Two 
years  passed  away  without  bringing  any  of  his  plans 


*  The  leading  organ  of  the  social  democrats,  the  Sozial-demokrat , 
of  Zurich,  gave  a  fair  report  of  the  proceedings,  which  was  reprinted 
in  the  Vorbote  of  Chicago,  May  5,  1883. 


SOCIAL  DEMOCRACY  SINCE  LASSALLE. 


217 


to  light.  People  began  to  think  that  the  promises  of 
relief  to  the  poor  had  been  thrown  out  simply  as  a 
bait  to  catch  votes  for  the  bill  which  became  the  so¬ 
cialistic  law.”  *  That  they  were  intended  to  serve  this 
purpose  is  undoubted.  The  onty  question  is  whether 
Bismarck  really  intended  to  make  any  attempt  to 
carry  through  legislation  in  behalf  of  the  laborers. 
The  lapse  of  time  made  men  sceptical.  The  opinion 
more  and  more  prevailed  that  the  last  had  been  heard 
of  government  institutions  designed  to  ameliorate  the 
condition  of  the  poor.  “  But  Bismarck  has  a  good 
memory  and  a  strong  will.  When  he  has  once  made 
up  his  mind  to  pursue  a  certain  course  of  action  he  is 
not  to  be  diverted  therefrom.  More  than  once  Ger¬ 
many  has  thought  that  he  had  forgotten  some  threat 
or  resolve  because  he  allowed  years  to  slip  by  without 
making  any  public  move  towards  the  execution  of  his 
plans,  but  in  such  cases  she  has  reckoned  without  her 
host.  It  now  looks  as  if  Bismarck  might  have  meant 
all  he  said  when  he  promised  to  use  the  power  of  the 
state  to  relieve  the  poor  classes.  He  had  not  for  a  mo¬ 
ment  forgotten  his  promise,  but  was  only  working  out 
his  plans  and  waiting  for  an  opportune  moment  to 
execute  them.”  The  German  emperor,  too,  had  been 
urging  him  forward  in  the  path  he  had  marked  out 
for  government.  The  old  Kaiser — who  seems,  in  his 
way,  to  have  a  warm,  fatherly  affection  for  his  people 
— professed  his  distress  at  the  sufferings  of  the  un¬ 
fortunate,  and  maintained  his  sincere  desire  to  relieve 
them.  He  was  an  old  man,  he  said,  and  he  longed  to 


*  This  quotation  is  taken  from  my  article  in  the  International  , 
Review  on  “Bismarck’s  Plan,”  etc.,  May,  1882.  The  remaining  quo¬ 
tations  in  this  chapter  are  taken  from  the  same  article  when  no  other 
reference  is  given. 


218 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


see  the  labor  question  satisfactorily  adjusted  before 
his  death.  To  one  who  realizes  the  utter  impossibil¬ 
ity  of  his  seeing  this  pious  wish  gratified,  there  is 
something  undeniably  touching  in  the  simple  and 
honest  expressions  of  this  good-natured  father  of  his 
people.  “Early  in  the  year  1881  the  Reichstag  ob¬ 
tained  an  earnest  of  Bismarck’s  plans  for  pacifying 
the  discontented  elements  in  Germany  in  the  Acci¬ 
dent  Insurance  bill,  which  is  merely  an  episode  in  the 
history  of  German  socialism.  The  aim  of  the  meas¬ 
ure  is  to  make  provision  for  industrial  laborers  injured 
in  the  prosecution  of  their  callings,  or  for  their  fami¬ 
lies  when  they  are  killed.  It  is  proposed  to  establish 
a  great  insurance  society  something  like  the  one 
founded  and  managed  by  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio 
Railroad  Company.*  The  resemblance  between  many 
features  of  the  two  plans  is,  indeed,  surprising.  It  is 
desired,  however,  in  Germany,  that  government  should 
bear  a  portion  of  the  expenses  ;  at  any  rate,  that  is 
one  characteristic  of  the  government  bill.  Govern¬ 
ment  also  wishes  to  manage  the  insurance  society  or 
societies  undertaking  this  work,  although  it  might  al¬ 
low  employers  and  employees  some  representation  in 
the  administration  of  the  business.  In  both  these  re¬ 
spects  the  bill  is  clearly  socialistic,  and  no  one  is  better 
aware  of  this  than  Prince  Bismarck.  It  has  been  de¬ 
liberately  decided  that  private  individuals,  or  volun¬ 
tary  combinations  of  private  individuals,  are  unable  to 
perform  all  the  duties  of  society  towards  the  poorer 
classes.  The  state  is  to  become  a  benefactor  and  pro¬ 
tector  of  the  weak  and  needy.  Bills  introduced  by 

*  Vide  a  description  of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad  Em- 
-  ployecs’  Relief  Association,  by  B.  J.  Ramage,  in  the  Johns  Hopkins 
University  Studies  in  Historical  and  Political  Science. 


SOCIAL  DEMOCRACY  SINCE  LASSALLE. 


219 


government  are  always  accompanied  witli  so-called 
‘  motives,’  explaining  and  defending  them.  The 
‘motives’  accompanying  the  Accident  Insurance  bill 
opened  with  these  words:  ‘That  the  state  should  care 
for  its  poorer  members  in  a  higher  degree  than  it  has 
formerly  done  is  a  duty  demanded  not  only  by  hu¬ 
manity  and  Christianity — and  the  institutions  of  state 
should  be  penetrated  through  and  through  by  Chris¬ 
tianity — but  it  is  also  a  measure  required  for  the  pres- 
ervation  of  the  state.  A  sound  policy  should  nourish 
in  the  indigent  classes  of  the  population,  which  are 
the  most  numerous  and  least  instructed,  the  view  that 
the  state  is  a  beneficial,  as  well  as  a  necessary,  ar¬ 
rangement.  Legislative  measures  must  bring  them 
direct,  easily  perceived  advantages,  to  the  end  that 
they  may  learn  to  regard  the  state  not  merely  as  an 
institution  devised  for  the  protection  of  the  wealthier 
classes,  but  as  one  which  likewise  ministers  to  their 
needs  and  interests.’  ” 

Bismarck  proposes,  then,  to  conquer  social  democ¬ 
racy  by  recognizing  and  adopting  into  his  own  plat¬ 
form  what  there  is  of  good  in  its  demands.  It  is  cu¬ 
rious  to  notice  that  friends  of  Bismarck  and  supporters 
of  the  government  have  even  gone  so  far  as  to  adopt 
some  of  the  social  democratic  phrases.  They  have 
spoken  of  the  laborers  as  the  “disinherited”  classes 
of  society.  Yet  this  originated  with  the  social  demo¬ 
crats  ;  and  a  few  years  ago  government  gave  as  one 
reason  for  prohibiting  the  sale  of  a  certain  book  in 
Germany  the  fact  that  it  called  the  laborers  the  “  dis¬ 
inherited  ”  (  die  Enterbten).  Thus  far  lias  Bismarck 
gone  in  the  way  of  making  concessions.  In  the  one 
point  of  the  Accident  Insurance  bill  he  has  drawn  a 
number  of  social  democrats  to  his  support.  They  look 


220 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


upon  it  as  only  a  beginning,  and,  indeed,  Bismarck  has 
proposed  to  add  features  making  provision  for  old  age 
and  for  death  from  disease  and  other  causes  than  ac¬ 
cident.  But  all  that  Bismarck  has  promised  is  to  them 
only  one  step.  Those  who  regard  the  matter  in  this 
light  are  willing  to  support  him  in  this  first  step. 
Bebel,  one  of  their  leaders  at  present,  was  one  of  the 
most  earnest  supporters  of  Bismarck’s  Insurance  bill 
in  the  Reichstag,  when  the  measure  was  brought  for¬ 
ward.  Kayser,  another  social  democrat,  declared  that 
he  would  let  no  one  “terrorize  him — he  would  de¬ 
fend  Bismarck.”  All  this  makes  a  strange  impression 
upon  us  when  we  remember  the  cruelties  and  persecu¬ 
tions  which  the  social  democrats  have  suffered  through 
the  instrumentality  of  the  great  German  statesman. 
It  is  amusing,  and,  at  the  same  time,  it  is  not  devoid 
of  a  certain  pathos.  It  reminds  one  of  an  ancient 
prophecy — “  The  wolf  and  the  lamb  shall  feed  togeth¬ 
er,  and  the  lion  shall  eat  straw  like  the  bullock.” 

However,  the  two  parties  drew  near  together  only 
for  one  special  purpose,  and  but  for  a  moment.  No 
reconciliation  has  taken  place  between  the  opposing 
elements  of  industrial  society  in  Germany.  Only  one 
of  Bismarck’s  schemes  for  the  amelioration  of  the 
condition  of  the  laboring  man  has  been  adopted. 

In  treating  of  these  schemes  I  have  brought  the  ex¬ 
ternal  history  of  social  democracy  down  to  the  present 
moment,  for  they  are  to-day  being  discussed  in  Ger¬ 
many.  They  are  viewed  with  the  deepest  distrust  by 
large  classes  of  the  population,  and  Parliament  has 
greeted  them  coolly.  Were  they  accepted,  they  alone 
would  not  be  sufficient  to  cure  so  deep-seated  a  dis¬ 
ease;  perhaps  they  would  scarcely  mitigate  it.  Radi- 
cal  changes,  not  to  be  hoped  for  in  our  life-time,  must 


SOCIAL  DEMOCRACY  SINCE  LASSALLE. 


221 


take  place  before  the  conflict  between  capitalist  and 
laborer — between  rich  and  poor — will  cease  to  disturb 
the  peace  of  Christendom.  The  evil  is  rooted  in  the 
very  nature  of  society  itself,  and  can  only  terminate 
in  a  transformation  and  moral  elevation  of  the  various 
social  elements.  Its  cause  lies  deeper  than  the  agita¬ 
tion  of  Karl  Marx  or  the  eloquence  of  Ferdinand 
Lassalle,  who  only  acted  upon  latent  feelings  and  ex¬ 
pressed  thoughts,  of  which  the  laborers  had  already 
a  dim  consciousness.  Sooner  or  later  their  feelings 
were  bound  to  become  active  and  their  thoughts  to 
find  adequate  expression. 

Roscher,  in  his  “  Political  Economy,”  describes  five 
conditions  which,  meeting  together,  produce  commu¬ 
nistic  and  socialistic  movements.  As  his  description 
of  them  has  become  celebrated,  and  explains  not  the 
mere  surface  phenomena,  but  the  underlying  causes 
of  communism  and  socialism,  I  think  it  worth  while 
to  present  them.  I  shall,  however,  take  the  liberty  of 
making  abbreviations  and  changes,  and  interspersing 
such  remarks  of  my  own  as  will  better  adapt  the  de¬ 
scription  to  the  purpose  of  this  volume. 

The  first  condition  is  “a  well-defined  confronta¬ 
tion  of  rich  and  poor.  So  long  as  there  is  a  middle- 
class  of  considerable  numbers  between  them,  the  two 
extremes  are  kept,  by  its  moral  force,  from  coming 
into  collision.  There  is  no  greater  preservative  against 
envy  of  the  superior  classes  and  contempt  for  the  in¬ 
ferior  than  the  gradual  and  unbroken  fading  of  one 
class  of  society  into  another.  .  .  .  But  when  the  rich 
and  the  poor  are  separated  by  an  abyss  which  there  is 
no  hope  of  ever  crossing,  how  pride,  on  the  one  side, 
and  envy,  on  the  other,  rage  !  and  especially  in  the 
centres  of  industry,  the  great  cities,  where  the  deepest 


222 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


misery  is  found  side  by  side  with  the  most  brazen¬ 
faced  luxury,  and  where  the  wretched  themselves, 
conscious  of  their  numbers,  mutually  excite  their 
own  bad  passions.  It  cannot,  unfortunately,  be  de¬ 
nied  that  when  a  nation  has  attained  the  acme  of  its 
development  we  find  a  multitude  of  tendencies  pre¬ 
vailing  to  make  the  rich  richer  and  the  poor,  at  least 
relatively,  poorer,  and  thus  to  diminish  the  number  of 
the  middle-class  from  both  sides;  unless,  indeed,  rem¬ 
edial  influences  are  brought  to  bear  and  to  operate  in 
a  contrary  direction.” 

The  second  condition  mentioned  is  “  a  high  degree 
of  the  division  of  labor,  by  which,  on  the  one  hand, 
the  mutual  dependence  of  man  on  man  grows  ever 
greater,  but  by  which,  at  the  same  time,  the  eye  of 
the  uncultured  man  becomes  less  and  less  able  to  per¬ 
ceive  the  connection  existing  between  merit  and  re¬ 
ward,  or  service  and  remuneration.  Let  us  betake  our¬ 
selves  in  imagination  to  Crusoe’s  island.  There,  when 
one  man,  after  the  labor  of  many  months,  has  hollowed 
out  a  tree  into  a  canoe,  with  no  tools  but  an  animal’s 
tooth,  it  does  not  occur  to  another,  who,  in  the  mean¬ 
time,  was,  it  may  be,  sleeping  on  the  skin  of  some 
wild  animal,  to  contest  the  right  of  the  former  to  the 
fruit  of  his  labor.  How  different  this  from  the  condi¬ 
tion  of  things  where  civilization  is  advanced,  as  it  is 
in  our  day;  where  the  banker,  by  a  single  stroke  of 
his  pen,  seems  to  earn  a  thousand  times  more  than  a 
day-laborer  in  a  week;  where,  in  the  case  of  those  who 
lend  money  on  interest,  their  debtors  too  frequently 
forget  how  laborious  was  the  process  of  acquiring  the 
capital  by  the  possessors,  or  their  predecessors  in 
ownership  !  More  especially,  we  have  in  times  of 
over-population  whole  masses  of  honest  men  asking, 


SOCIAL  DEMOCRACY  SINCE  LASSALLE. 


223 


not  alms,  but  only  work — an  opportunity  to  earn  their 
bread,  and  yet  on  the  verge  of  starvation.” 

The  third  condition  :  “A  violent  shaking  or  per¬ 
plexing  of  public  opinion  in  its  relation  to  the  feeling 
of  right  by  revolutions,  especially  when  they  follow 
rapidly  one  on  the  heels  of  another,  and  take  opposite 
directions.  On  such  occasions  both  parties  have  gen¬ 
erally  prostituted  themselves  for  the  sake  of  the  favor 
of  the  masses.  ...  In  this  way  they  are  stirred  up  to 
the  making  of  pretentious  claims  which  it  is  after¬ 
wards  very  difficult  to  silence.”  It  is  in  this  prostitu¬ 
tion  of  parties  that  our  greatest  danger  in  the  United 
States  lies.  It  is  already  sought  to  influence  large 
classes  by  promises  of  office.  The  evils  of  political 
contests  controlled  by  those  who  hope  to  gain  offices 
and  those  who  fear  they  may  lose  them  will  increase 
in  two  ways.  First,  the  number  of  offices  will  neces¬ 
sarily  become  greater  with  the  increase  of  population 
and  the  growth  of  public  business.  Instead  of  one 
hundred  thousand  federal  office-holders,  we  will  yet 
have  two  hundred  thousand.  Second,  as  population 
increases,  and  it  becomes  ever  more  and  more  difficult 
to  gain  one’s  bread,  to  say  nothing  about  ascending 
the  social  ladder,  public  offices  will  be  coveted  even 
more  than  at  present,  and  over  each  one  there  will  be 
waged  a  bitter  personal  warfare.  What,  then,  we  have 
to  fear  is  that,  as  in  ancient  Rome,  politicians  will 
strive  to  influence  the  great  masses  by  promises  of 
favors — food  and  entertainments  {panem  et  circenses ). 
If  a  beginning  is  ever  made  in  that  direction  the  ene¬ 
mies  of  the  republic  will  have  already  crossed  the  ru- 
bicon.  It  behooves  us  to  stop  in  the  downward  path 
before  it  is  too  late.  This  can  be  done  only  by  put¬ 
ting  our  civil  service — federal,  state,  and  municipal — 
on  a  sound  moral  basis. 


224 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


The  fourth  condition:  “Pretensions  of  the  lower 
classes  in  consequence  of  a  democratic  constitution. 
Communism  is  the  logically  not  inconsistent  exag¬ 
geration  of  the  principle  of  equality.”  If  you  reflect 
upon  it,  you  will  perceive  that  political  equality,  in  the 
course  of  time,  very  naturally  leads  to  thoughts  of 
economic  equality — equality  in  the  enjoyment  of  spir¬ 
itual  and  material  goods. 

The  fifth -condition  :  “A  general  decay  of  religion 
and  morality  in  the  people.  When  every  one  regards 
wealth  as  a  sacred  trust  or  office,  coming  from  God, 
and  poverty  as  a  divine  dispensation,  intended  to  edu¬ 
cate  and  develop  those  afflicted  thereby,  and  considers 
all  men  as  brothers,  and  this  earthly  life  only  as  a  prep¬ 
aration  for  eternity,  even  extreme  differences  of  prop- 
perty  lose  their  irritating  and  demoralizing  power.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  atheist  and  materialist  becomes 
only  too  readily  a  mammonist,  and  the  poor  mammon- 
ist  falls  only  too  easily  into  that  despair  which  would 
gladly  kindle  a  universal  conflagration,  in  order  either 
to  plunder  or  lose  his  own  life.”  The  maxim  of  the 
materialist,  sunk  in  poverty  and  despair,  is,  as  is  no¬ 
ticed,  not  that  noble  one  of  our  fathers,  “  Give  me  lib¬ 
erty  or  give  me  death,”  but  “  Give  me  pleasure,  enjoy¬ 
ment  in  this  life,  or  let  me  die  in  my  misery.”  “  The 
rich  mammonist  aggravates  this  sad  condition  of 
things  when  he  casts  suspicion  on  all  wealth  by  the 
immorality  of  the  means  he  takes  to  acquire  it  and  the 
sinfulness  of  his  enjoyments.”* 

Turning  to  the  internal  history  of  social  democracy 


*  The  first  four  conditions  are  taken  from  the  American  transla¬ 
tion  of  Roscher ;  the  fifth  is  translated  by  the  author  from  a  subse¬ 
quent  German  edition. 


SOCIAL  DEMOCRACY  SINCE  LASSALLE. 


225 


after  Lassalle’s  deatli,  we  have  first  to  notice  the  con¬ 
dition  of  the  “Universal  German  Laborers’ Union  ” 
since  that  event.  It  was  controlled  for  some  time  by 
the  Countess  von  Hatzfeldt.  Iler  former  connection 
with  Lassalle  and  the  possession  of  large  financial  re¬ 
sources  enabled  her  for  some  time  to  maintain  her 
position  as  its  leading  spirit.  She  interested  herself 
in  politics,  however,  more  on  account  of  Lassalle  than 
for  the  sake  of  the  laborers.  She  wished  to  honor  his 
memory  and  promote  the  cause  which  had  been  dear 
to  him. 

Before  Lassalle  died  he  mentioned  the  name  of  a 
man  whom  he  recommended  as  his  successor  in  the 
presidency  of  the  “Laborers’  Union.”  The  choice 
was  not  a  happy  one.  The  new  president  soon  made 
enemies  of  the  ablest  members  of  the  Union,  and 
finally  had  a  falling-out  with  the  countess,  in  whose 
house  he  lived,  and  wdio,  for  the  sake  of  the  cause, 
supported  him.  It  appears  that  one  day  the  countess 
commissioned  him  to  purchase  butter  and  cheese  for 
the  household.  This  was  too  much  for  the  poor  pres¬ 
ident.  lie  regarded  the  performance  of  such  offices 
as  incompatible  with  his  manly  dignity  and  the  re¬ 
spect  due  his  high  and  honorable  position.  He  did 
not,  indeed,  fail  to  appreciate  to  the  fullest  extent  the 
honor  which  Lassalle  had  conferred  upon  him.  Iden¬ 
tifying  the  L^nion  with  all  mankind,  he  was  accus¬ 
tomed  to  sign  himself  “President  of  Humanity.” 
He  compared  his  noiseless  activity  to  the  gentle  rain, 
which,  without  thunder  and  lightning,  gradually  pen¬ 
etrates  the  hard  crust  of  the  earth. 

The  amenities  of  life  among  the  social  democrats 
are  curiously  illustrated  by  their  dissensions  during 
the  presidency  of  this  man — Becker  by  name.  Be- 

1 5 


226 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


coming  enraged  at  Marx  once,  lie  proposed  that  the 
author  of  “  Capital  ”  and  the  founder  of  the  Inter¬ 
national  should  embalm  himself  with,  his  International 
and  have  himself  hung  in  the  chimney  as  a  mad  her¬ 
ring.  In  return  for  this  Liebknecht  moved,  in  the 
Berlin  association,  that  Becker  should  be  expelled 
from  the  Union  as  a  low-minded  slanderer  and  a 
hopelessly  incurable  idiot.* 

New  presidents  were  elected  yearly  for  two  or  three 
years,  but  the  countess  could  agree  with  none.  She 
finally  withdrew,  with  her  followers,  and  established  a 
new  association,  called  the  “Female  Line.”  It  never 
played  a  considerable  role ,  and  in  a  few  years  died  a 
natural  death. 

After  the  withdrawal  of  the  countess  the  “Univer¬ 
sal  Laborers’  Union”  showed  good  sense  enough  to 
elect  their  ablest  man  president.  This  was  Jean  Bap- 
tista  von  Schweitzer,  a  dramatic  writer  of  some  note, 
whose  comedies  are  considered  among  the  best  which 
have  appeared  recently.  Perhaps  the  best  known 
are  “Die  Darwinianer,”  “ Epidemisch,”  and  “Gros- 
stadtisch.” 

Yon  Schweitzer  belonged  to  an  old  and  wealthy 
patrician  family  of  Frankfort-on-the-Main.  He  had 
led  a  dissipated  life,  been  involved  in  a  scandalous 
affair  in  Mannheim,  and  become  a  noted  roue.  When 
society  in  Frankfort  could  tolerate  him  no  longer  he 
took  up  his  abode  in  another  city,  but  here  again  be¬ 
came  suspected  of  improper  acts.  It  is  surprising  that 
a  man  of  such  character  should  join  the  laborers  and 
declaim  about  their  hardships.  While  it  is  possible 
that  he  was  so  thoroughly  blase  that  he  could  find 


SOCIAL  DEMOCRACY  SINCE  LASSALLE. 


227 


needed  excitement  in  no  other  way,  I  should  prefer 
to  regard  this  move  on  his  part  as  the  first  step 
in  a  better  path.  He  was  a  man  of  talent,  and  was 
never  entirely  absorbed  in  sensual  pleasures.  When 
he  took  up  the  cause  of  the  social  democrats  he  began 
to  think  about  other  things  than  his  own  selfish  and 
immoral  gratifications.  For  four  years  he  held  the 
post  of  president  of  the  “Universal  German  Laborers’ 
Union  and  in  this  position  not  only  displayed  ad¬ 
ministrative  ability  of  a  high  order,  but  manifested 
an  unwearied  devotion  in  his  leadership.  He  found 
the  Union  weak  and  about  to  fall  to  pieces  ;  he  left 
it  a  strong,  compact  body.  The  Social  Democrat , 
one  of  the  most  prominent  organs  of  the  party,  was 
founded  by  him,  and  in  this  paper  he  defended  the 
doctrines  of  Lassalle  with  vigor  and  understanding. 

Von  Schweitzer  withdrew  from  the  social  democrats 
in  1871,  and  led  thenceforth  an  unexceptionable  life. 
The  love  of  woman  had  finally  conquered  his  wild 
nature.  He  was  happily  married,  and  passed  the  last 
years  of  his  life  in  literary  pursuits.  He  died  in  1875,* 
having  already  gained  an  honorable  position  as  an 
author. 

The  Union  elected  another  president,  who  contin¬ 
ued  to  hold  the  position  as  long  as  the  association  ex¬ 
isted.  Its  importance  soon  began  to  decline,  however, 
and  it  was  finally  absorbed  by  the  organization  formal¬ 
ly  known  as  the  “  Social  Democratic  Labor  Party  ” 
(“  Social-demokratisclie  Arbeiterpartei  ”) .  This  grew 
out  of  the  alliance  of  “German  Laborers’  Unions” 
(“Verband  deutsclier  Arbeitervereine  ”),  whose  mem¬ 
bers  were  gradually  led  over  into  the  social  demo- 


*  Born  in  1833. 


228 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


cratic  camp,  as  I  described  in  the  first  chapter  of  this 
work.  The  two  leading  spirits  in  this  party,  which 
swallowed  up  all  other  social  democratic  organiza¬ 
tions,  were  Liebknecht  and  Bebel. 

Liebknecht,  unlike  some  of  the  other  social  demo¬ 
crats,  is,  as  generally  admitted,  personally  an  honor¬ 
able  man.  Nothing  can  be  said  against  his  private 
life.  He  differed  from  Marx,  Lassalle,  and  Yon 
Schweitzer  in  family  and  fortune.  He  was  born 
poor,  and  has  always  remained  so.  While  in  party 
matters  Liebknecht  is  unscrupulous  as  to  means,  he 
would  sacrifice  no  principle  for  the  sake  of  personal 
gain  or  advancement.  If  he  had  been  less  conscien¬ 
tious  his  life  might  have  been  a  prosperous  one.  I 
have  it  directly  from  a  friend,  who  associated  with 
him  considerably  in  Leipsic,  that  Bismarck  offered 
him  an  excellent  position  as  editor  of  the  Kreuzzeitung , 
which  I  have  already  mentioned  as  the  leading  organ 
of  the  conservatives.  Liebknecht  declined  promptly, 
and  without  hesitation,  what  was  intended  as  a  bribe. 
He  is  satisfied  with  the  merest  necessities  of  life,  so 
long  as  he  can  serve  his  cause.  Mehring,  who  is  far 
from  being  a  social  democrat,  says  that  in  this  respect 
he  is  irreproachable.  “No  one  can  accuse  him  of  im¬ 
proper  motives  in  the  lower  sense  of  the  term.”  It  is 
only  when  the  cause  of  the  social  democrats  is  con¬ 
cerned  that  he  shows  himself  unscrupulous,  exciting 
envy  and  discontent,  and  arousing  class  against  class. 
His  ideas  have  taken  such  hold  of  him  that  he  cannot 
see  the  deeds  of  opponents  in  their  true  light.  He 
ascribes  the  worst  of  motives  to  what  government 
does  with  the  best  intention. 

Although  he  must  be  called  a  demagogue,  Lieb¬ 
knecht  is  a  highly  educated  man.  He  comes  of  what 


SOCIAL  DEMOCRACY  SINCE  LASSALLE. 


229 


the  Germans  call  a  Beamtenfamilie — i.  e .,  of  a  family 
whose  members  have  for  a  long  time  devoted  them¬ 
selves  to  the  civil  service.  This  implies,  at  least,  edu¬ 
cation  and  social  respectability.  Liebknecht  was  only 
sixteen  years  of  age  when  he  graduated  from  a  Ger¬ 
man  gymnasium — what  we  would  call  a  college — but 
he  had  already  decided  that  a  career  as  a  civil-service 
officer  placed  one  in  a  position  of  such  dependence 
that  it  was  unworthy  of  a  freeman.  At  the  univer¬ 
sity  he  took  no  regular  professional  course,  as  he  de¬ 
spised  bread-and-butter  studies,  but  devoted  himself 
to  various  branches  of  science  according  to  his  in¬ 
clination,  or  as  he  fancied  they  might  contribute  to 
the  free  development  of  his  mind.  At  twenty  he 
thought  he  had  freed  himself  from  bondage  to  the  an- 
tiquated  institutions  of  a  corrupt  world. 

Liebknecht  took  part  in  the  revolutionary  movement 
of  1848  in  Germany,  and  threw  himself  into  the  contest 
with  admirable  personal  bravery.  Regardless  of  dan¬ 
ger,  he  was  ever  to  be  found  in  the  thick  of  the  light. 
When  the  rebellion  was  put  down,  he  found  it  neces¬ 
sary  to  flee  to  Switzerland,  whence  he  emigrated  to 
London,  where  he  lived  in  exile  for  thirteen  years. 
Ilis  life  in  London  was  a  hard  struggle  for  existence, 
and  this  may  have  embittered  him.  His  associates, 
while  there,  were  the  old  rebels,  Engels,  Wolff,  and 
Marx,  and  they  must  have  confirmed  him  in  his  views. 
Amnesty  was  granted  him  when  the  present  Emperor 
William  was  crowned  King  of  Prussia,  and  he  re¬ 
turned  full  of  hatred  for  Germany.  He  has  devoted 
his  entire  life  to  the  purpose  of  making  propaganda  for 
social  democracy,  and  lias  never  for  a  moment  forgot¬ 
ten  his  end  and  aim.  Mehring  says  that  in  the  years 
since  he  again  set  foot  on  German  soil  there  has  been, 


230 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


perhaps,  no  day,  no  hour,  no  minute  in  which  he  has 
not  been  conscious  of  the  object  of  his  existence.  It 
is  this  indomitable  will,  this  inflexible  purpose,  this 
devotion  on  the  part  of  men  of  learning  and  intelli¬ 
gence,  which  has  filled  the  world  wdth  German  social¬ 
ism.  Anything  like  it  has  never  been  known  in  his¬ 
tory. 

Liebknecht  is  not  original,  but  is  able  to  interpret 
Marx  to  the  common  people,  since  he  is  not  too  much 
ahead  of  them,  but  only  far  enough  to  take  the  lead,  to 
express  thoughts  struggling  in  their  minds  for  utter¬ 
ance.  He  takes,  however,  extreme  positions,  and  in¬ 
jures  himself  and  his  party  thereby.  While  he  can 
excite  those  already  won  over  to  his  side,  he  cannot 
gain  adherents  from  those  as  yet  undecided,  still  less 
from  those  opposed.  lie  cannot  persuade  such,  be¬ 
cause  he  is  unable,  even  for  a  moment,  to  place  him¬ 
self  in  their  position  so  as  to  understand  their  thoughts 
and  feelings. 

Bebel  is  a  disciple  of  Liebknecht,  and  his  most  im¬ 
portant  one.  He  is  a  turner  by  profession,  and  his  only 
education  was  received  in  common  schools,  in  Sunday 
schools,  and  in  travelling  about  from  place  to  place  in 
the  practice  of  his  trade.  He  has  never  left  his  trade, 
and  has  never  made  any  pretensions  to  being  anything 
more  than  an  ordinary  artisan.  He  is  sincere,  simple, 
and  of  sound  understanding.  Bebel  has  been  called 
the  incorporated  ideal  of  a  modern  laborer  in  the  best 
sense  of  the  word.  This  was,  however,  before  he  had 
been  embittered  by  Liebknecht.  He  is  unassuming, 
but  has  an  unquenchable  thirst  for  knowledge.  His 
influence  on  the  people  has  been  very  great.  He  has 
a  homely  sort  of  eloquence  which  appeals  strongly  to 
them.  In  the  Imperial  Parliament  he  has  been  able 


SOCIAL  DEMOCRACY  SINCE  LASSALLE. 


231 


to  bold  bis  own  with  men  like  Lasker  and  Simson,  the 
Chief-justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Germany.  Be- 
bel’s  historical  importance  lies  in  the  fact  that  he  is 
the  first  and,  up  to  the  present  time,  the  only  German  v, 
artisan  who  has  pushed  himself  into  the  foreground 
of  political  life  and  shown  himself  an  equal  of  other 
leaders. 

He  has  become  prosperous,  and  employs  two  or 
three  hundred  laborers.  He  owns,  also,  a  valuable 
house  in  Leipsic.  Some  have  objected  that  he  was  in¬ 
consistent  in  paying  his  employees  just  as  other  masters 
do  and  in  living  well  himself.  Those  who  do  so  cannot 
understand  the  social  democrats.  The  very  corner¬ 
stone  of  their  belief  is  that  the  individual  is  not  re¬ 
sponsible  for  the  present  condition  of  things ;  that 
harmony  can  be  secured  only  by  the  combined  action 
of  society — by  a  social,  and  not  by  an  individual,  re¬ 
generation.  All  that  the  individual  can  do,  they  hold, 
is  to  labor  for  the  overthrow  of  existing  society  and 
the  establishment  of  the  people’s  state,  and  in  the 
meanwhile  to  live  like  other  people. 

A  change  has  taken  place  in  German  social  democ¬ 
racy  since  the  death  of  Lassalle,  who  was  a  patriot, 
and  with  whom  it  was  national.  He  sought  a  basis 
in  united  Germany.  Social  democracy  is  now  cosmo¬ 
politan  and  international  in  the  sense  of  anti-national. 

It  has  approached  more  and  more  nearly  to  the  most 
unqualified  communism.  Like  French  communism,  it 
lays  most  stress  on  equality,  and  at  times  appears 
ready  to  sacrifice  everything  else  to  obtain  that.  The 
unity  of  interests  ( solidarity )  and  economic  equality 
(cgalite)  are  the  watchwords  of  the  leaders.  Lieb- 
kneclit  says  :  “  Human  progress  consists  in  the  ap-  / 
p roach  to  equality;  freedom  is  oidy  a  conventional 


232 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


phrase,  which  conceals  all  possible  things.”  It  begins 
to  be  recognized  that  equality  and  liberty — as  now 
understood,  at  any  rate — are  incompatible,  and  greater 
value  is  attached  to  the  former. 

Most,  in  his  lecture  in  Baltimore,  to  which  refer¬ 
ence  has  already  been  made,  brought  out  vividly  the 
gross,  materialistic  view  the  social  democrats  take  of 
liberty.  “You  boast  of  your  American  liberty,”  cried 
he,  “  but  of  what  value  is  it  ?  Has  any  one  ever  been 
able  to  clothe  himself  with  it  ?  to  house  himself  in  it  ? 
or  to  satisfy  with  it  the  cravings  of  his  stomach  ?” 

Previous  to  the  attempts  to  take  the  life  of  the 
German  emperor,  in  1878,  the  necessity  of  overthrow¬ 
ing  existing  institutions  by  violence  was  proclaimed 
with  ever-increasing  openness.  Lassalle  had  spoken 
of  a  radical  change  brought  about  peacefully,  which 
he  called  a  peaceful  revolution.  The  upper  classes 
had  the  choice  between  yielding  to  the  demands  of 
the  fourth  estate  and  a  violent  overthrow  of  existing 
economic  institutions.  “  I  am  persuaded,”  said  he, 
“that  a  revolution  will  take  place.  It  will  take  place 
legally  and  with  all  the  blessings  of  freedom  if,  be¬ 
fore  it  is  too  late,  our  rulers  become  wise,  determined, 
and  courageous  enough  to  lead  it.  Otherwise,  after 
the  lapse  of  a  certain  time,  the  goddess  of  revolution 
will  force  an  entrance  into  our  social  structure,  amid 
all  the  convulsions  of  violence,  with  wild,  streaming 
locks  and  brazen  sandals  on  her  feet.  In  the  one  way 
or  the  other  she  will  come;  and  when,  forgetting  the 
tumult  of  the  day,  I  sink  myself  in  history,  I  am  able 
to  hear  from  afar  her  heavy  tread.” 

But  the  social  democrats  soon  became  convinced 
that  the  existing  powers  of  state  and  society  would 
not  yield  their  positions  without  a  combat.  Glorifi- 


SOCIAL  DEMOCRACY  SINCE  LASSALLE. 


233 


cation  of  bloody  struggles  of  laborers  in  the  past  be¬ 
came  ever  more  common.  Laborers  were  taught  that 
they  had,  in  times  gone  by,  seized  the  sword  and  sac¬ 
rificed  life  in  behalf  of  their  wealthy  oppressors;  they 
were  told  that  they  must  next  use  the  weapons  of  Avar 
in  their  own  behalf,  to  fight  for  the  day  of  their  oaaui 
deliverance  from  bondage.  This  Avas  made  to  appear 
just  by  representing  them  as  humanity  and  the  feAv 
rich  people  as  Avilfully  cruel  and  wicked  taskmasters. 
The  presiding  officer  of  the  Social  Democratic  Con¬ 
gress,  in  1869,  used  these  words  in  the  address  with 
Avhich  he  closed  their  meetings:  “  There  is  a  tree  which 
bears  golden  fruit,  but  Avhen  those  who  have  planted 
it  reach  out  their  hand  to  pluck  it,  it  draws  back  and 
escapes  them.  Wound  about  the  tree  there  is  a  ser¬ 
pent,  Avhicli  keeps  every  one  away  from  it.  This  tree 
is  society;  the  serpent  is  our  present  economic  organi¬ 
zation,  AAdiicli  prevents  us  from  enjoying  the  golden 
fruit.  Gentlemen,  Ave  are  determined  to  enjoy  the 
golden  fruit  and  to  drive  aAvay  the  serpent.  If  that 
cannot  be  done  in  peace,  then,  as  men  Avho  do  not 
tremble  before  a  conflict,  are  A\re  ready  to  fell  the  old 
tree,  and  in  its  place  to  set  a  new,  poAverful  tree.” 

This  sort  of  talk  Avas  stopped  by  the  stringent  laAV 
which  was  enacted  after  the  attempts  on  the  life  of 
the  emperor.  There  is  no  e\Tidence  to  warrant  the  be¬ 
lief  that  the  social  democratic  party  had  any  direct 
connection  with  these  attempts,  but  those  who  com¬ 
mitted  them  had  been,  doubtless,  excited  by  the  con¬ 
stant  talk  of  wrong  and  oppression,  and  of  release 
therefrom  by  a  destruction  of  our  present  leaders  of 
society.  They  consequently  struck  at  its  very  head. 

Social  democrats  are  fond  of  comparing  themsel\Tes 
to  the  early  Christians.  They  speak  of  their  leaders 


234 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


as  the  apostles  of  the  present  and  of  laborers  as  the 
rock  upon  which  the  Church  of  the  future  must  be 
built.  The  German  has  a  strongly  religious  nature, 
of  which  he  can  never  divest  himself.  So  these  social 
democrats  make  their  economic  belief  a  matter  of  re¬ 
ligion,  and  therein  attempt,  even  unconsciously,  to 
satisfy  their  religious  feelings. 

We  would  not,  for  a  moment,  accept  the  compari¬ 
son  between  social  democracy  and  Christianity  in  the 
sense  in  which  these  men  mean  it.  Yet  when  we  find 
V  rude,  uneducated  men — for  such  are  the  social  demo¬ 
cratic  masses — turning  the  world  upside-down,  and 
striking  terror  into  the  hearts  of  the  powers  that  be, 
we  are  reminded  of  that  earlier  faith,  propagated  by 
poor,  ignorant  men,  which,  in  the  course  of  centuries, 
has  become  more  powerful  than  statesmen,  monarchs, 
and  armies.  No  one,  save  a  fool,  would  pretend  to  be 
able  to  describe  exactly  the  ultimate  organization  of 
society;  but  we  know  that  in  profane,  as  well  as  in  sa¬ 
cred,  history,  weak  and  contemptible  beginnings  have, 
ere  this,  led  to  grand  and  glorious  growths  and  devel¬ 
opments. 


235 


SOCIALISM  OF  TIIE  CHAIR. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

SOCIALISM  OF  THE  CHAIR. 

It  is  generally  known  that  Bismarck  has  been  en¬ 
deavoring  to  introduce  new  economic  measures  and 
institutions  of  a  more  or  less  socialistic  nature  in  Ger¬ 
many.  One  of  these  projects  has  been  described  in 
an  earlier  chapter.  It  is  not,  however,  an  equally  fa¬ 
miliar  fact  that  he  may  be  regarded  as  a  member  of 
an  economic  school.  Such  is,  nevertheless,  the  case. 
In  the  earlier  part  of  his  career  as  imperial  chancel¬ 
lor  Bismarck  accepted  the  doctrines  of  English  politi¬ 
cal  economy  in  modified  form,  as  taught  by  the  Na¬ 
tional  Liberals  of  the  Reichstag.  But  he  professes 
that  he  received  their  teachings  only  as  a  makeshift, 
until  he  should  find  time  to  study  political  economy 
and  investigate  economic  problems  for  himself.  This 
he  did  some  eight  years  since.  The  first-fruits  of  his 
new  researches  were  the  tariff  reform  of  1879.  Later 
fruits  have  been  the  tobacco  monopoly  and  labor 
insurance  bills.  lie  repudiates  the  politicians  with 
whom  lie  formerly  worked  as  “  representatives  of  a 
party  which  in  political  economy  advocates  the  right 
of  the  stronger  and  deserts  the  weak  in  the  struggle 
against  the  might  of  capital,  and  which  refers  him  to 
free  competition,  to  private  insurance,  and  I  do  not 
know  what  else — in  short,  refusing  him  all  help  of  the 
state.” 


236 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


It  is,  then,  a  matter  of  more  than  ordinary  interest 
to  study  the  principles  of  the  economic  system,  whose 
leading  advocate  at  present  is  the  favorite  counsellor 
of  the  most  powerful  statesman  of  modern  times. 
This  is  the  system  of  the  so-called  professorial  social¬ 
ists,  or  socialists  of  the  chair. 

In  tbe  ordinary  or  vulgar  signification  of  the  term 
professorial  socialists  are  not  socialists  at  all;  in  the 
strict  sense  of  the  word  they  are.  They  recognize  the 
existence  of  a  social  problem,  and  hold  that  the  co¬ 
operation  of  government  is  necessary  to  its  solution. 
They  believe  that  man,  associated  with  his  fellows  in 
the  state,  has  duties  to  perform  which,  single  and 
alone,  he  is  unable  to  fulfil.  They  point  to  the  fact 
that  all  civilized  governments  are,  even  at  present, 
more  or  less  socialistic.  Sanitary  legislation,  govern¬ 
mental  inspection  of  buildings,  the  legal  limitation  of 
a  day’s  labor,  the  prohibition  of  work  on  Sunday,  the 
regulations  respecting  the  labor  of  women  and  chil¬ 
dren,  temperance  laws,  state  control  and  management 
of  railroads,  the  post-office,  and  other  like  arrange¬ 
ments,  are  socialistic  in  their  nature.*  These  matters 
are  not  left  to  individual  initiative  and  private  com¬ 
petition.  The  state  —  in  a  certain  sense,  even  now, 
the  highest  and  most  majestic  of  co-operative  associa¬ 
tions — steps  in  and  attempts  to  do  for  the  citizens 
what  it  is  supposed  they  could  not  do  for  themselves 
without  the  help  of  such  a  union  as  government  rep¬ 
resents.  It  is  sought  to  give,  as  it  were,  a  divine  sanc- 

*  The  Rev.  Samuel  A.  Barnett  mentions  the  following  as  socialistic 
laws  on  the  statute-book  of  England  :  “  The  Poor  Law,”  “  The  Edu¬ 
cation  Act,”  “  The  Established  Church,”  “  The  Land  Act,”  and  “  The 
Libraries  Act;”  vide  his  article  on  “Practicable  Socialism”  ( Nine¬ 
teenth  Centuri/  Magazine ,  April,  1883). 


SOCIALISM  OF  THE  CIIAIK. 


237 


tion  to  this  kind  of  socialism,  by  calling  to  mind  the 
strong  socialistic  tinge  of  the  Mosaic  legislation.  Of 
such  character  were  the  laws  compelling  the  return 
of  land  in  the  year  of  jubilee,  of  which  one  had  been 
forced  to  dispose  by  reason  of  poverty,  the  setting  free 
of  slaves  at  the  same  time,  the  forgiveness  of  debt,  and 
the  prohibition  of  interest  in  passages  like  the  follow¬ 
ing:  “And  if  thy  brother  be  waxen  poor  and  fallen 
in  decay  with  thee,  then  thou  shalt  relieve  him.  .  .  . 
Take  thou  no  usury  (= interest)  of  him  or  increase;  but 
fear  thy  God,  that  thy  brother  may  live  with  thee.”  * 

The  party  of  professorial  socialists  was  formed  ten 
years  ago  in  Germany.  They  received  their  name 
from  an  opponent,  a  clever  newspaper  writer.  He 
also  called  them  “  sweet  -  wTater  ”  socialists,  but  the 
first  name  is  their  ordinary  designation,  and  they  do 
not,  as  a  rule,  object  to  it.  Some  of  them  have  sought 
to  give  the  word  socialist  an  honorable  and  respected 
meaning  by  avowing  themselves  unreservedly  social¬ 
ists  on  all  occasions.  Others  think  that  the  prejudice 
against  the  name  is  so  strong  that  they  only  injure 
themselves  thereby.  They  are,  in  the  narrowest  sense, 
all  university  professors  of  political  economy,  though 
there  is  no  reason  why  the  name  should  not  be  ex¬ 
tended  so  as  to  include  others  who  hold  similar  views. 

The  scientific  leader  of  the  party  is  its  most  radical 
member,  Adolf  Wagner,  the  Berlin  professor.  Other 
prominent  members  are  Gustav  Schmoller,  recently 
professor  in  Strassburg,  now,  likewise,  professor  in  Ber¬ 
lin,  and  Brentano,  professor  in  Breslau,  lately  trans¬ 
ferred,  I  am  told,  to  Strassburg.  Adolf  Held,  the  late 
young  and  talented  professor  in  Bonn,  and  later  in 


*  Cf.  Lev.  xxv.  and  Deut.  xv. 


238 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


Berlin,  did  not  hesitate  to  speak  of  himself  as  a  profes¬ 
sorial  socialist.  Although  John  Stuart  Mill  died  before 
this  school  of  political  economists  became  known,  his 
views  and  tendencies  as  regards  social  questions  were  so 
much  in  accord  with  theirs  that  he  can  properly  enough 
be  ranked  among  them.  It  must  be  remembered  that 
Mill  placed  no  limit  to  state  activity  save  the  general 
good,  and  declared  that  all  the  difficulties  of  even  com¬ 
munism  would  be  but  as  dust  in  the  balance  if  lie  were 
called  upon  to  choose  between  that  system  and  a  con¬ 
tinuance  of  our  present  economic  life  without  improve¬ 
ment. 

Perhaps,  to-day,  no  professorial  socialist  could  give 
a  better  statement  of  his  owu  aims  and  desires  than 
Mill’s  description  of  the  views  and  expectation  of 
himself  and  his  wife  some  thirty  years  ago.  “  While 
we  repudiated,”  says  Mill,  “  with  the  greatest  energy, 
that  tyranny  of  society  over  the  individual  which 
most  socialistic  systems  are  supposed  to  involve,  we 
yet  looked  forward  to  a  time  when  society  will  no 
longer  be  divided  into  the  idle  and  the  industrious; 
when  the  rule  that  they  who  do  not  work  shall  not 
eat  will  be  applied,  not  to  paupers  only,  but  impar¬ 
tially  to  all ;  when  the  division  of  the  produce  of 
labor,  instead  of  depending,  as  in  so  great  a  degree  it 
now  does,  on  the  accident  of  birth,  will  be  made  by 
concert  on  an  acknowledged  principle  of  justice;  and 
when  it  will  no  longer  either  be,  or  be  thought  to 
be,  impossible  for  human  beings  to  exert  themselves 
strenuously  in  procuring  benefits  which  are  not  to  be 
exclusively  their  own,  but  to  be  shared  with  the  so¬ 
ciety  they  belong  to.  The  social  problem  of  the  fut¬ 
ure  we  considered  to  be  how  to  unite  the  greatest  in¬ 
dividual  liberty  of  action  with  a  common  ownership 


SOCIALISM  OF  THE  CIIAIR. 


239 


in  the  raw  material  of  the  globe,  and  an  equal  par¬ 
ticipation  of  all  in  the  benefits  of  combined  labor.” 
This  is,  I  must  remark  in  passing,  an  extreme  position. 
The  professorial  socialists  are  not  accustomed  to  ex¬ 
press  themselves  in  favor  of  carrying  socialism  so  far, 
and  I  believe  Mill  does  it  nowhere  else.  “We  had 
not  the  presumption,”  continues  Mill,  “to  suppose  that 
we  could  already  foresee  by  what  precise  form  of  in¬ 
stitutions  these  objects  could  most  effectually  be  at¬ 
tained,  or  at  how  near  or  how  distant  a  period  they 
would  become  practicable.  We  saw  clearly  that  to 
render  any  such  social  transformation  either  possible  j 
or  desirable  an  equivalent  change  of  character  must 
take  place  both  in  the  uncultivated  herd  who  now 
compose  the  laboring  masses  and  in  the  immense  ma¬ 
jority  of  their  employers.  Both  these  classes  must 
learn  by  practice  to  labor  and  combine  for  generous, 
or,  at  all  events,  for  public  and  social  purposes,  and 
not,  as  hitherto,  solely  for  narrowly  interested  ones. 
But  the  capacity  to  do  this  lias  always  existed  in 
mankind,  and  is  not,  nor  is  ever  likely  to  be,  extinct. 
Education,  habit,  and  the  cultivation  of  the  sentiments 
will  make  a  common  man  dig  or  weave  for  his  coun¬ 
try  as  readily  as  fight  for  his  country.  True  enough, 
it  is  only  by  slow  degrees,  and  a  system  of  culture 
prolonged  through  successive  generations,  that  men 
in  general  can  be  brought  tip  to  this  point.  But  the 
hinderance  is  not  in  the  essential  condition  of  human 
nature.”  Buskin  expresses  the  thought  that  one  ought 
to  be  as  ready  to  give  money  as  life  for  one’s  country 
when  he  says  :  “  I  will  tell  you,  good  reader,  what 
would  have  seemed  Utopian  on  the  side  of  evil  instead 
of  good:  that  ever  men  should  have  come  to  value 
their  monev  bo  much  more  than  their  lives,  that  if 

•J  J 


240 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


you  call  upon  them  to  become  soldiers,  and  take 
chance  of  a  bullet  through  their  heart,  and  of  wife 
and  children  being  left  desolate,  for  their  pride’s  sake, 
they  will  do  it  gayly;  but  if  you  ask  them,  for  their 
country’s  sake,  to  spend  a  hundred  pounds  without 
security  of  getting  back  a  hundred  and  five,  they  will 
laugh  in  your  face.”  * 

The  German  professorial  socialists  held  a  meeting 
in  Eisenach  in  October,  1872,  and  founded  the“  Union 
for  Social  Politics.”  They  hoped,  by  means  of  an 
organization  holding  yearly  meetings,  to  be  able  to 
exercise  greater  influence  on  legislation  and  public 
opinion.  Their  proceedings  were  published  in  Leip- 
sic,  in  1873,  under  the  title  “Transactions  of  the 
Union  for  Social  Politics,”  and  reports  of  meetings 
which  have  since  been  held  have  been  published  at 
the  same  place  under  the  same  title. 

They  discussed  such  questions  as  joint-stock  com¬ 
panies,  insurance,  savings-banks,  and  factory  legisla¬ 
tion,  including  the  prohibition  of  labor  on  Sunday  and 
protection  of  women  and  children  in  factories.  Their 
negative  work  consisted  in  combating  the  empty  ab¬ 
stractions  of  the  English  free-trade  school,  or,  as  they 
call  it,  the  Manchester  school.  They  accused  the  Man¬ 
chester  men  of  lacking  all  appreciation  for  the  higher 
duties  of  the  state  or  the  ethical  side  of  economic  life, 
and  of  having  no  warmth  of  heart  for  the  interests  of 
the  lower  classes.  The  professorial  socialists  endeav¬ 
ored,  on  the  other  hand,  to  reconcile  the  laborers  and 
social  democrats  to  society  by  recognizing  and  favor¬ 
ing  what  might  be  called  their  just  demands. 

The  difference  between  professorial  socialists  and 


*  “  Munera  Pulveris”  (New  York,  1872),  pp.  141,  142. 


SOCIALISM  OF  THE  CHAIR. 


241 


other  professors  of  political  economy  in  Germany  is 
one  of  degree.  The  former  emphasize  more  strongly 
the  beneficial  effects  of  governmental  intervention, 
arid  believe  that  the  state  has  not  as  yet  gone  nearly 
far  enough  in  recognizing  its  duties  towards  the  weak 
and  poor  and  in  regulating  the  distribution  of  wealth.* 
They  regard  political  economy  as,  first  and  foremost,/ 
an  ethical  science.  To  them  the  state  is,  above  all 
things,  a  moral  person.  It  is,  indeed,  necessary  to  ob-  Z- 
tain  a  clear  understanding  of  their  conception  of  the 
state  before  it  is  possible  to  comprehend  their  teach¬ 
ings.  They  regard  the  state  as  something  sacred 
and  divine,  holding  that  it  arises  out  of  the  essential 
characteristics  of  the  human  nature  given  us  by  God. 
They  have  a  reverence  for  state  obligations  which  re¬ 
minds  one  of  the  doctrines  of  the  ancient  Greeks  and 
of  the  heroic  self-sacrifice  of  Socrates,  who  considered 
it  his  duty  to  obey  the  laws,  even  when  they  ordered 
his  death.  They  consider  that  the  rights  of  the  state 
spring  from  a  higher  source  than  a  social  contract, 
either  implicit  or  explicit,  of  the  citizens  with  one 
another.  The  state  stands  above  the  citizens  as  the 
Church  above  its  members.  Humanity,  in  their 
opinion,  progresses,  and  ever  must  progress,  through 
Church  and  state.  They  see  God  in  both.  They 
know  nothing  of  any  civilization  in  the  past  apart 
from  the  state,  and  are  able  to  imagine  none  in  the 
future  existing  outside  of  such  a  social  organism.  In 
this  spirit  Professor  Schmoller  defines  the  state  as  the 
grandest  moral  institution  for  the  education  and  de¬ 
velopment  of  the  human  race. 


*  Cf.  Wagner’s  celebrated  “Bede  liber  die  socialc  Frage”  (Berlin, 
1872). 


16 


242 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


The  socialists  of  the  chair  deprecate  any  attempt 
to  separate  political  economy  from  the  higher  ideal 
side  of  our  nature.  They  do  not  believe  that  in  busi¬ 
ness  or  anywhere  should  man  be  governed  solely  by 
selfish  motives. 

In  practical  politics  they  reject  decidedly  violent 
change,  but  advocate  a  gradual  and  peaceful  develop¬ 
ment.  Some  of  them  do  not  expect  that  their  ideal 
will  be  realized  for  a  thousand  years  to  come. 

Wagner  believes  that  he  has  discovered  a  law  ac¬ 
cording  to  which  the  functions  of  government  are  con¬ 
stantly  increasing — in  many  places,  even  in  spite  of 
theory.  According  to  him,  government  in  all  civil¬ 
ized  countries  is  uninterruptedly  taking  upon  itself 
new  duties.  The  post-office,  education,  the  telegraph, 
railroads,  and  the  care  of  forests  are  examples.  The 
increase  in  state  business  in  England,  e.  g .,  may  be 
seen  from  the  fact  that  the  expenses  of  government 
v  were  forty  times  as  great  in  1841  as  in  1685,  although 
the  population  had  little  more  than  trebled  its  num¬ 
bers.*  If  it  can  be  shown  that  Wagner’s  theory  is 
really  a  law,  and  that  the  apparent  proofs  of  it  are 
not  merely  temporary  social  phenomena,  it  will  at 
once  be  admitted  that  it  is  of  the  highest  importance. 
Its  operation  would,  of  itself,  establish  the  socialistic 
state,  since,  if  government  continually  absorbs  private 
business,  there  will,  in  the  end,  be  only  state  business. 
In  this  socialistic  state  there  would  be  the  same  differ¬ 
ences  in  rank  as  at  present  between  the  different  gov¬ 
ernmental  employees.  At  the  top  of  the  social  ladder 

*  Vide  Macaulay,  “  History  of  England.”  Cf.  ai’ticle  “  Budget,”  by 
'Spofford,.  in  “  Cyclopaedia  of  Political  Science,”  in  regard  to  increase 
of  expenses  of  various  states. 


SOCIALISM  OF  THE  CIIAIR. 


243 


there  would  still  be  an  emperor,  and  at  the  bottom 
ordinary  laborers,  steadily  employed  in  the  service  of 
the  state,  as,  e.  g.,  the  workmen  on  the  state  railroads 

now. 

At  present  things  are  moving  pretty  rapidly  in  Ger¬ 
many  towards  the  accomplishment  of  Wagner’s  ideal, 
if  we  may  suppose  that  expressed  by  his  law.  In  fact, 
since  Bismarck  is  said  to  value  him  highly,  it  is  not 
impossible  that  he  may  have  considerable  to  do  with 
directing  the  economic  policy  of  Germany.  He  has 
always  been  a  strong  advocate  of  state  railways,  the 
compulsory  insurance  of  laborers  by  the  state,  and  the 
tobacco  monopoly.  What  may  be  the  ultimate  results 
of  the  changes  taking  place  in  Germany  it  is  far  too 
early  to  say. 

The  leading  ideas  of  the  professorial  socialists  may 
be  best  learned  from  a  little  work  by  Professor  Gustav 
Schmoller,  entitled  “A  Few  Fundamental  Principles 
of  Law  and  Political  Economy.”  *  It  is  an  open  let¬ 
ter,  addressed  to  Professor  von  Treitschke,  a  Prussian 
of  the  Buncombe  type,  who,  with  a  very  insufficient 
study  of  their  writings,  had  the  rashness  to  attack 
the  professorial  socialists  in  his  “  Socialism  and  Those 
Who  Favor  It”  (“Der  Socialismus  und  seine  Gon- 
ner”).  Von  Treitschke  is  generally  regarded  as  hav¬ 
ing  fared  ill  in  this  encounter.  As  Schmoller  pointed 
out,  those  whom  he  attacked  had  spent  more  years  in 
the  study  of  economic  questions  than  he  had  weeks. 

But  one  of  the  most  interesting  features  of  this 
new  school  of  political  economy,  altogether  apart 
from  the  correctness  of  its  other  doctrines,  is  its  re- 


*“Ueber  einige  Grundfragen  des  Reclits  und  der  Volkswirth- 
schaft”  (Jena,  18'75). 


244 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


pudiation  of  selfishness,  or  self-interest,  as  it  is  more 
v  euphemistically  called,  as  a  sufficient  guide  in  eco¬ 
nomic  matters.  The  necessity  of  Christian  self-denial 
and  self  -  sacrifice  is  emphasized  by  its  adherents. 
They  attack  what  they  call  the  mammonism  of  the 
Manchester  school,  and  elevate  man,  not  wealth,  to 
the  central  position  in  economic  science.  “  The  start¬ 
ing-point,  as  well  as  the  object-point,  of  our  science  is 
man ”  (Roscher).  All  hope  of  resolving  “the  social 
question  ”  without  a  moral  and  intellectual  elevation 
of  mankind  is  abandoned.  The  Christian  religion  is 
assigned  an  important  work  in  this  field,  and  political 
economy  becomes  a  Christian  science.  To  see  the 
leaders  of  economic  thought,  starting  with  anything 
rather  than  religious  predilections,  gradually  forced 
to  this  position,  may  indeed  be  styled  a  triumph  of 
Christianity. 


CHRISTIAN  SOCIALISM. 


245 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

CHRISTIAN  SOCIALISM. 

We  have  come  to  a  point  now  where  professorial 
socialism  and  Christian  socialism  meet.  Professors  of 
political  economy,  finding  themselves  forced  to  aban¬ 
don  every  hope  of  reconciling  adverse  interests  of 
society  without  a  moral  and  religious  regeneration  of 
the  various  social  classes,  turn  to  Christianity,  and 
appeal  to  it  for  co-operation  in  their  endeavors  to 
bring  about  an  era  of  peace  and  harmony.  Profes¬ 
sorial  socialism  terminates  in  Christianity.  Christian 
socialism  seeks  in  it  a  starting-point. 

De  Lamennais,  who  was  born  in  1782,  was  one  of 
the  earliest  representatives  of  Christian  socialism. 
He  was  for  a  time  a  French  Catholic  priest  and  an 
ardent  defender  of  the  faith.  He  sought  to  bring 
about  an  alliance  between  the  masses  and  the  Church, 
in  opposition  to  kings,  wdiom  he  regarded  as  oppressors 
of  the  people.  The  Church  was  to  become  an  organ¬ 
izing  power,  and  was  to  gather  the  individuals,  the 
atoms,  of  industrial  society,  into  a  compact  and  harmo¬ 
nious  whole.  She  was  to  become  the  soul,  the  animat¬ 
ing  spirit,  of  the  economic  as  well  as  the  religious 
world.  He  hoped  to  see  her  found  a  grand  co-opera¬ 
tive  association  of  laborers,  which  should  free  them 
from  the  yoke  of  capitalist  and  the  tyranny  of  land¬ 
lord.  The  democratic  views  entertained  by  Lamen- 


246 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


nais,  and  liis  opposition  to  the  monarchs  of  Europe,  did 
not  give  satisfaction  among  the  Church  authorities. 
He  went  to  Rome  to  plead  his  cause  before  Leo  XII., 
and  was  received  with  open  arms.  But  afterwards  the 
motto  of  his  journal  IS  Avenir,  “  Separez  vous  des  rois, 
tendez  la  main  au  peuple  ” — “  separate  yourselves  from 
the  kings,  extend  your  hand  to  the  people  ” — displeased 
Gregory  XVI.,  and  Lamennais,  unable  to  win  over  the 
Pope  to  his  views,  finally  left  the  Church  in  despair. 
“  Catholicism  was  my  own  life,”  said  he,  “  because  it  is 
the  life  of  humanity.  I  wished  to  defend  it  and  draw 
it  from  the  abyss  into  which  it  sinks  more  and  more 
daily.  Nothing  was  easier.  The  bishops  have  found 
that  it  would  not  suit  them.  Thus  Rome  lagged  be¬ 
hind.  I  went  there  and  saw  the  most  abominable 
cloaque  which  ever  offended  human  eyesight.  ...  No 
other  God  rules  there  but  egotism.  For  a  piece  of 
land,  for  a  few  piasters,  they  would  bargain  away 
the  nations,  the  whole  human  race,  even  the  blessed 

Trinity.”  * 

«/ 

He  wrote,  after  his  return,  “  Les  Paroles  d’un  Croy- 
ant” — “The  Words  of  a  Believer” — published  in  1833, 
and  perhaps  his  most  celebrated  work.  It  is  a  strange, 
weird,  fascinating  book.  In  prose,  yet  with  all  the 
fervor,  imagery,  and  beauty  of  poetry,  he  describes 
the  wrongs  and  sufferings  inflicted  on  the  laborer 
by  rulers  and  capitalists.  How  is  it,  one  might  ask, 
that  he,  so  far  above  the  masses,  can  depict  their 
sorrows  as  vividly  as  if  he  had  felt  them  ?  It  is  pre¬ 
cisely  because  he  is  not  far  above  the  toiling  many  ; 
he  has  in  sympathy  drawn  near  to  them;  he  feels  with 


*  Quoted  by  Kaufmann  in  “Lamennais  and  Kingsley,”  Con  tempo¬ 
rary  Review ,  April,  1882. 


CHRISTIAN  SOCIALISM. 


247 


and  for  them  ;  what  they  have  experienced,  that  has 
lie  also  lived.  Their  pain  is  his  pain ;  their  anguish 
is  his  anguish,  and  has  penetrated  perhaps  more  deeply 
into  his  soul  than  into  theirs. 

In  the  following  passage  from  “Les  Paroles  d’un 
Croyant  ”  he  shows  how  much  worse  are  modern  em¬ 
ployers  who  oppress  their  laborers  than  were  the  earlier 
slave-owners.  The  story  he  tells  is  this  : 

“  Now,  there  was  a  wicked  and  accursed  man.  And 
this  man  was  strong  and  hated  toil,  so  that  he  said  to 
himself:  ( What  shall  I  do  ?  If  I  work  not  I  shall  die, 
and  labor  is  to  me  intolerable.’ 

“  Then  there  entered  into  his  heart  a  thought  born 
in  hell.  He  went  in  the  night  and  seized  certain  of 
his  brethren  while  they  slept,  and  bound  them  with 
chains. 

“‘For,’  said  he,  ‘I  will  force  them  with  whips  and 
scourges  to  toil  for  me,  and  I  will  eat  the  fruit  of  their 
labor.’ 

“And  he  did  that  which  he  had  resolved;  and  oth¬ 
ers,  seeing  it,  did  likewise,  and  the  men  of  the  earth 
were  no  longer  brothers,  but  only  masters  and  slaves. 

“  This  was  a  day  of  sadness  and  mourning  over  all 
the  face  of  the  earth. 

“  A  long  time  afterwards  there  arose  another  man, 
whose  cruelty  and  wickedness  exceeded  the  cruelty 
and  wickedness  of  the  first  man. 

“  Seeing  that  men  multiplied  everywhere,  and  that 
the  multitude  of  them  was  innumerable,  he  said  to 
himself : 

“  ‘  I  could  indeed  enchain  some  of  these,  and  force 
them  to  work  for  me;  but  it  would  then  be  necessary 
to  feed  and  otherwise  maintain  them,  and  that  would 
diminish  my  gains.  I  will  do  better:  I  will  let  them 


248 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


work  for  nothing ;  they  will  die,  in  truth,  but  their 
number  is  great ;  I  will  amass  a  fortune  before  their 
number  is  largely  diminished,  and  there  will  always 
remain  enough  of  them.’ 

“  ‘  Now  all  this  multitude  of  men  might  live  on  what 
they  received  in  exchange  for  their  labor.’ 

“Having  thus  spoken,  he  addressed  himself  sepa¬ 
rately  to  some  of  them,  and  said:  ‘You  work  six  hours, 
and  you  receive  a  piece  of  money  for  your  labor  ; 
work  twelve  hours  and  you  will  receive  two  pieces  of 
money,  and  you  and  your  wives  and  your  little  ones 
will  live  better.’ 

“And  they  believed  him. 

“Then  he  said  to  them,  ‘You  work  only  half  the 
days  of  the  year;  work  every  day  in  the  year  and  your 
gains  will  be  doubled.’ 

“  And  they  believed  him  still. 

“  Now  it  happened  that  the  quantity  of  labor  having 
been  doubled  ivithout  any  increase  in  the  demand 
therefor,  the  half  of  those  who  previously  lived  by 
their  labor  could  find  no  one  to  employ  them. 

“  Then  the  wicked  man  whom  they  had  believed 
said  to  them:  ‘I  will  give  labor  to  all,  under  condition 
that  you  will  labor  the  same  length  of  time,  and  that 
I  shall  pay  you  only  half  so  much  as  I  have  been  in 
the  habit  of  doing;  because  I  indeed  desire  to  render 
you  a  service,  but  I  do  not  wish  to  ruin  myself.’ 

“  And  as  they,  their  wives,  and  little  ones  were  suf¬ 
fering  the  pangs  of  hunger,  they  accepted  the  proposal 
of  the  wicked  man,  and  they  blessed  him ;  for,  said 
they,  ‘  He  gives  us  our  life.’ 

“  And,  continuing  to  deceive  them  in  the  same  man¬ 
ner,  the  wicked  man  ever  increased  their  labor  and 
ever  diminished  their  wages. 


CHRISTIAN  SOCIALISM. 


249 


“  And  they  died  for  lack  of  the  necessaries  of  life, 
and  others  pressed  forward  to  take  their  places  ;  for 
poverty  had  become  so  terrible  in  the  land,  that  entire 
families  sold  themselves  for  a  morsel  of  bread. 

“  And  the  wicked,  cruel  man,  who  had  lied  to  his 
brothers,  amassed  a  larger  fortune  than  the  vdcked 
man  who  had  enslaved  them. 

“The  name  of  the  latter  is  tyrant;  but  the  former 
has  no  name  save  in  hell  itself.”* 

The  Christian  socialism  of  England  has  peculiarities 
which  render  it  exceedingly  interesting  in  connection 
with  an  account  of  French  and  German  Christian 
socialism,  furnishing,  as  it  does,  opportunities  for  in¬ 
structive  comparisons. 

It  arose  about  thirty  years  ago.  Its  founders  wTere 
men  like  Charles  Kingsle}r,  Frederick  Maurice,  and 
Thomas  Hughes.  They  were  filled  with  horror  at  the 
wrongs  and  hardships  of  the  lower  classes,  and  reject¬ 
ed  wdth  lofty  moral  indignation  the  theory  of  the 
Manchester  men  that  state  and  society  vrere  to  do 
nothing  about  it.  They  refused  to  believe  that  the 
action  of  self-interest  led  to  the  most  perfect  social 
harmony,  or  that  government  should  do  nothing  to 
alleviate  suffering  and  elevate  the  masses.  Some  of 
their  expressions  might  have  satisfied  even  a  social 
democrat.  Kingsley  expressed  his  opinion  of  eco¬ 
nomic  liberalism  by  describing  the  Cobden  and  Bright 
scheme  of  the  universe  as  the  wrorst  of  all  narrow, 
hypocritical,  anarchic,  and  atheistic  social  philosophies; 
while  he  predicted  the  coming  of  good  times  to  the 
poor,  and  the  overthrow  of  mammonism,  in  these 
wrords  :  “  Not  by  wrath  and  haste,  but  by  patience 


*  “  Paroles  d’  un  Croyant,”  pp.  16-18. 


250 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


made  perfect  through  suffering,  canst  thou  proclaim 
this  good  news  to  the  groaning  masses,  and  deliver 
them,  as  thy  Master  did  before  thee,  by  the  cross  and 
not  the  sword.  Divine  paradox  !  Folly  to  the  rich 
and  mighty — the  watchword  to  the  weak,  in  whose 
weakness  is  God’s  strength  made  perfect.  ‘  In  your 
patience  possess  ye  your  souls,  for  the  coming  of  the 
Lord  draweth  nigh.’  Yes,  he  came  then,  and  the 
Babel-tyranny  of  Rome  fell,  even  as  the  more  fearful, 
the  more  subtle,  and  more  diabolic  tyranny  of  mammon 
shall  fall  ere  long — suicidal,  even  now  crumbling  by 
its  innate  decay.  Yes  ;  Babylon  the  Great — the  com¬ 
mercial  world  of  selfish  competition,  drunken  with  the 
blood  of  God’s  people,  whose  merchandise  is  the  bodies 
and  souls  of  men— her  doom  is  gone  forth.  And  then 
— then — when  they,  the  tyrants  of  the  earth,  who 
lived  delicately  with  her,  rejoicing  in  her  sins,  the 
plutocrats  and  bureaucrats,  the  money-changers  and 
devourers  of  labor,  are  crying  to  the  rocks  to  hide 
them,  and  to  the  hills  to  cover  them,  from  the  wrath 
of  him  that  sittetli  on  the  throne ;  then  labor  shall  be 
free  at  last,  and  the  poor  shall  eat  and  be  satisfied, 
with  things  that  eye  hath  not  seen  nor  ear  heard, 
nor  hath  it  entered  into  the  heart  of  man  to  con¬ 
ceive,  but  which  God  has  prepared  for  those  who 
love  him.”  * 

Kingsley  and  his  confreres  held  that  modern  com¬ 
petition  was  only  one  kind  of  warfare,  and  conse¬ 
quently  sinful.  They  sought  to  replace  it  by  co-oper¬ 
ation,  in  which  they  found  a  practical  carrying-out  of 
Christian  principles.  Mr.  Ludlow,  Maurice,  and  others 
talked  the  matter  over,  and  finally  formed  a  society  in 


*  Alton.  Locke,  ch.  xli. 


CHRISTIAN  SOCIALISM. 


251 


London  to  promote  co-operative  undertakings  and  the 
education  of  the  lower  classes.  They  assisted  laborers 
to  found  productive  co-operative  associations.  They 
established  also  a  newspaper,  the  Christian  Socialist , 
in  which  they  made  propaganda  for  their  faith.  They 
thought  they  had  discovered  the  panacea  for  all  social 
evils  :  “  I  certainly  thought,”  said  Mr.  Hughes  after¬ 
wards — “  and,  for  that  matter,  have  never  altered  my 
opinion  to  this  day — that  here  we  had  found  the  solu¬ 
tion  of  the  great  labor  question  ;  but  I  was  also  con¬ 
vinced  that  we  had  nothing  to  do  but  just  to  announce 
it,  and  found  an  association  or  two,  in  order  to  convert 
all  England,  and  usher  in  the  millennium  at  once,  so 
plain  did  the  whole  thing  seem  to  me.  I  will  not  un¬ 
dertake  to  answer  for  the  rest  of  the  council,  but  I 
doubt  whether  I  was  at  all  more  sanguine  than  the 
majority.”  * 

The  Christian  socialists  established  seventeen  co¬ 
operative  societies  in  London  and  twenty-four  in  other 
parts  of  England,  but  chiefly,  if  not  wholly,  in  the 
south,  before  their  organ  ceased  to  appear.  These, 
however,  all  failed.  But  about  this  time  there  began 
to  spring  up  in  the  north  of  England  distributive  co¬ 
operative  societies,  not  designed  to  produce  commodi¬ 
ties,  but,  as  their  name  implies,  to  distribute  them  by 
establishing  stores.  These  associations,  which  have 
prospered  greatly,  furnished  an  opportunity  for  some 
of  the  Christian  socialists  to  exert  themselves  in  be¬ 
half  of  the  laborer.  So  far  as  there  is  to-day  any 
active  Christian  socialism  in  England,  it  is  to  be  found 
in  the  Co-operative  Union.  Indeed,  Mr.  Thomas 
Hughes  seems  to  identify  the  two  movements  in  a 


*  Quoted  from  Kanfm aim’s  article. 


252 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


letter,*  which  he  was  kind  enough  to  write  me  about 
Christian  socialism.  As  it  is  interesting,  and  Ameri¬ 
cans  are  always  glad  to  hear  what  the  author  of 
“  Tom  Brown  at  Rugby  ”  has  to  say,  I  will  take  the 
liberty  of  quoting  such  parts  of  his  letter  as  bear  on 
our  subject : 

“  The  details  of  the  Christian  socialist  movement  may  still  be 
gathered  from  The  Christian  Socialist  newspaper,  and  tracts,  The 
Journal  of  Association,  its  short-lived  successor,  and  Politics  for  the 
People,  its  more  short-lived  predecessor.  .  .  .  The  leaders  are  quite 
scattered — Maurice,  Kingsley,  and  Mansfield  dead  ;  Lord  Ripon,  Gov¬ 
ernor-general  of  India ;  Ludlow,  Registrar  of  Friendly  Societies ;  El¬ 
lison,  a  metropolitan  magistrate ;  I  a  county-court  judge.  The  only 
one  left  actively  in  this  movement  (which  I  have  left  only  two  months 
since)  is  E.  Vansittart  Neale,  who  is  general  secretary  (and  backbone 
and  conscience)  of  the  Co-operative  Union.  I  was  chairman  of  the 
southern  section  till  I  took  this  judgeship. 

“We  have  managed  to  keep  this  great  organization,  now  consist¬ 
ing  of  some  thousand  societies,  with  some  millions  of  capital,  up  to 
the  principles  of  the  Christian  socialists — nominally,  at  any  rate — and 
I  really  think  the  old  spirit  is,  at  any  I'ate,  alive  in  a  large  propor¬ 
tion  of  the  rising  leaders,  though  the  mammon  devil  is,  I  am  bound 
to  own,  vigorous  among  them,  and  hard  to  put  down.  ...  I  still  look 
to  this  movement  as  the  best  hope  for  England  and  other  lands.” 

Mr.  Reale  has  been  good  enough  to  write  me  a 
fuller  account  of  the  connection  between  co-operation 
and  Christian  socialism,  which  he  regards  as  two  dis¬ 
tinct  movements  —  in  their  origin,  at  least.  I  will 
quote  what  he  has  to  say  about  them  : 

“Manchester,  December  4,  1882. 

*  *  *  *  *  * 

“I  think  that  the  Christian  social  efforts  of  Messrs.  Maurice, 
Kingsley,  Hughes,  etc.,  and  the  co-operative  movement  out  of  which 
our  present  Union  has  grown  up,  ought  to  be  distinguished  as  really 
separate  actions,  independent  of  each  other  in  their  origin,  though 
they  have  subsequently,  to  a  certain  extent,  coalesced. 


*  Dated  Chester,  October  6,  1882. 


CHRISTIAN  SOCIALISM. 


253 


“The  distributive  societies  have  grown  up  since  1844,  principally 
from  the  impulse  originating  in  the  Rochdale  Pioneers,  which  was,  so 
far  as  it  can  be  said  to  embody  any  moral  principle,  Owenite  rather 
than  Christian.  Xo  doubt  it  included,  from  the  first,  members  of 
the  various  religious  bodies  which  exist  in  England,  and  it  never  pro¬ 
fessed  to  substitute  any  other  religious  teaching  for  that  given  in 
the  name  of  Christianity,  as  R.  Owen’s  followers  had  done.  There¬ 
fore,  among  the  disciples,  men  soon  appeared  who  said,  This  co-oper¬ 
ation  which  you  advocate  is  nothing  else  than  the  practical  applica¬ 
tion  of  Christianity  to  the  ordinary  business  of  life.  Likewise,  when, 
at  a  later  date,  those  who  had  gathered  around  Mr.  Maurice’s  endeav¬ 
ors  to  show  systematically  the  connection  of  Christian  ideas  with  the 
Co-operative  Union,  as  is  done  by  Mr.  Hughes  and  myself  in  the 
‘  Manual  for  Co-operation,’  .  .  .  this  application  was  accepted  by  the 
Congress  of  the  Co-operative  Union  as  a  legitimate  descent  of  co¬ 
operation,  and  is  more  or  less  assented  to  -at  the  present  time  by  co- 
operators  who  never  were  in  any  way  connected  with  Mr.  Maurice. 

“  Rut  this  has  been,  as  I  have  said,  a  result  of  relations  which  have 
grown  up  between  two  movements,  distinct  in  their  origin,  but  simi¬ 
lar  in  their  tendencies,  and  from  this  similarity,  and  the  aid  afforded 
by  each  to  the  other,  naturally  disposed  to  coalesce. 

“  In  their  origin  the  stores  were  antecedent  to  the  teachings  of  the 
Christian  socialists,  which  did  not  begin  in  any  definite  shape  until 
1849  and  1850,  when  the  Rochdale  Pioneers  had  got  over  the  diffi¬ 
culties  of  their  beginnings,  and  were  doing  a  business  of  £6611  8s.  9 <1. 
in  1844  and  £13, 1*79  l'ls.  in  1850;  and  other  stores  were  beginning 
to  spring  up  and  attain  considerable  proportions  in  various  towns  of 
Lancashire  and  Yorkshire,  under  the  influence  of  the  success  of 
Rochdale.  In  London  we  had  scarcely  any  knowledge  of  these  so¬ 
cieties  till  the  end  of  1850;  and  our  efforts  took  principally  the 
direction  of  attempts  to  form  productive  associations  of  workers  by 
means  of  advances  of  capital  to  them  on  loan  at  four  per  cent,  inter¬ 
est,  and  with  no  other  security  than  the  stock  in  trade  of  the  socie- 
ties  founded  by  these  endeavors. 

“  Theoretically,  the  idea  we  endeavored  to  spread  was  the  concep¬ 
tion  of  workers  as  brethren — of  work  as  coming  from  a  brotherhood 
of  men  associated  for  their  common  benefit — who  therefore  rejected 
any  notion  of  competition  with  each  other  as  inconsistent  with  the 
true  form  of  society,  and,  without  formally  preaching  communism, 
sought  to  found  industrial  establishments  communistic  in  feeling,  of 
which  it  should  be  the  aim,  while  paying  ordinary  wages  and  interest 


254 


FRENCH  AND1  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


at  the  rate  I  have  mentioned,  to  apply  the  profits  of  the  business  in 
ways  conducive  to  the  common  advantage  of  the  body  whose  work 
produced  them. 

“The  Christian  element  about  this  teaching  was  rather  a  some¬ 
thing  floating  over  it  than  definitely  embodied  in  it.  No  attempt 
was  made  to  formulate  any  religious  creed  which  should  be  professed 
even  by  those  who  formed  the  central  body — ‘  The  Council  of  Pro¬ 
moters  of  Workingmen’s  Societies,’  as  it  was  called.  Still  less  was 
there  any  attempt  to  limit  the  men  employed  in  any  of  the  societies 
to  those  professing  Christianity.  There  was  a  general  understand¬ 
ing  that  the  tone  of  any  writings  put  forth  by  the  council  or  any  of 
its  members  should  be  such  as  Maurice  and  Kingsley  would  approve. 
But  this  was  all.  Of  the  freedom  of  opinion  in  the  council  a  striking 
proof  is  Mr.  Lloyd  Jones,  who  had  been  one  of  R.  Owen’s  mission¬ 
aries,  and  never  professed  any  form  of  Christianity,  and  who  was  one 
of  the  most  active  members. 

“  Such  was  the  character  of  this  Christian  socialism,  even  where  it 
was  most  concentrated.  In  its  relation  to  the  co-operation  of  the 
north  the  religious  element  was  yet  more  thrown  into  the  background. 
Our  connection  with  these  societies  came  through  the  law — I  mean 
the  English  law — not  the  Gospel.  Mr.  Hughes,  Mr.  Ludlow,  Mr.  Fer- 
nival,  another  active  member  of  our  council,  and  I,  were  barristers. 
The  law  relating  to  such  societies  as  we  desired  to  form,  and  as  our 
northern  friends  desired  to  form  on  their  own  account,  was  then  very 
little  suitable  to  our  wants.  Mr.  Slaney,  a  member  of  Parliament, 
who  took  a  great  interest  in  all  efforts  of  the  working  population  to 
help  themselves,  got  a  committee  appointed  to  inquire  into  the  in¬ 
vestments  of  the  middle  and  working  classes.  Much  interesting 
evidence  was  given  before  this  committee  in  1850  and  in  1852.  Mr. 
Slaney  introduced  into  Parliament  a  bill  originally  drawn  by  Mr. 
Ludlow,  with  some  assistance  from  me,  which  was  carefully  consid¬ 
ered  by  a  special  committee  of  the  House  of  Commons,  who  sug¬ 
gested  many  improvements  in  it ;  and  on  their  report  was  accepted 
by  the  House,  and  became  the  original  law  of  ‘  Industrial  and  Provi¬ 
dent  Societies.’  These  operations  established,  as  you  will  easily  sup¬ 
pose,  friendly  relations  between  us  in  London  and  our  friends  in  the 
north,  who  went  on  and  flourished  greatly  in  their  distributive  so¬ 
cieties  under  the  protection  given  them  by  the  law  of  1852;  and 
were  in  continual  communication  with  Mr.  Ludlow,  Mr.  Hughes,  and 
myself  during  the  next  seventeen  years  as  to  alterations  and  amend¬ 
ment  of  their  law,  of  which  there  were  several  in  the  course  of  these 


CHRISTIAN  SOCIALISM. 


255 


years,  ami  as  to  questions  of  a  legal  character  affecting  their  busi¬ 
ness. 

“  In  the  meantime  the  societies  formed  under  our  special  influence 
in  London  had  all  come  to  grief.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  growth  of 
distributive  co-operation  in  the  north  the  movement  would  have  been 
at  an  end  in  England.  And  this  growth  took  place  spontaneously, 
with  no  other  help  from  us  than  was  afforded  by  the  legal  assistance 
that  I  have  mentioned  and  occasional  visits  of  some  one  of  our  body. 
At  last,  in  1869,  principally  through  the  influence  of  the  late  Mr. 
William  P  rior,  one  of  the  disciples  of  R.  Owen,  a  conference  was 
held  in  London,  which  was  continued  for  four  days,  and  was  attend¬ 
ed  by  several  delegates  from  the  northern  societies.  At  the  confer¬ 
ence  papers  were  read  on  a  number  of  topics  of  a  social  character. 
Discussions  were  carried  on  upon  them,  and  an  impulse  was  given  to 
the  feeling  of  union  out  of  which  our  present  organization  has  arisen. 
From  that  time  a  conference — or,  as  we  call  it,  a  congress — has  been 
held  every  year  in  some  part  of  Great  Britain.  Subscriptions  from 
the  societies  have  been  organized.  In  1873  a  systematic  division  of 
Great  Britain  into  districts,  for  the  purposes  of  propaganda,  was 
established.  Sectional  committees  were  appointed  in  each  district, 
and  a  united  board  formed  by  delegates  from  them,  which  has 
the  general  direction  of  the  whole  movement.  Now,  with  the  for¬ 
mation  of  this  organization,  the  southern  influences  which  had  given 
birth  to  the  notion  of  Christian  socialism  began  again  to  make  them¬ 
selves  felt.  We  have  supplied  more  largely  than  our  northern  friends 
the  intellectual  factor,  which  has  found  the  material  to  which  to  ap¬ 
ply  itself  in  the  co-operative  societies  of  manufacturing  Britain. 
Thus  it  is  that  the  ‘  Manual  for  Co-operation,’  which  I  think  must  be 
considered  as  the  most  matured  and  complete  exposition  of  the  rela¬ 
tion  between  Christianity  and  social  reform,  has  come  to  be  accepted 
by  the  Co-operative  Union,  and  published  at  its  expense,  as  a  recog¬ 
nized  exposition  of  the  views  entertained  by  most  of  those  who  en¬ 
deavor  to  give  a  distinct  form  to  their  views.” 

The  Englishman,  like  the  American,  is  eminently 
practical.  lie  must  find  some  concrete  form  in  which 
to  embody  his  ideas.  If  he  cannot  now  obtain  all  lie 
desires,  he  will  take  what  he  can  get  and  wait  for  an 
opportune  moment  to  gain  possession  of  what  remains. 
He  does  not  cease  to  think,  plan,  and  even  dream,  but 


256 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


he  spends  more  lime  in  action  than  in  talk.  Thus 
have  the  Christian  socialists  of  England,  without 
changing  their  views,  contented  themselves  for  the 
present  with  distributive  co-operation.  They  have, 
however,  done  far  more  than  to  establish  co-operative 
associations.  They  called  attention  to  the  duties  and 
responsibilities  of  wealth  as  well  as  its  rights.  They 
induced  men  to  stop  and  consider  whether  it  might 
not,  after  all,  be  possible  to  do  something  to  amelio¬ 
rate  the  condition  of  the  unfortunate  and  to  improve 
the  poor  and  degraded.  The  results  have  been  seen 
in  generous,  philanthropic,  and,  to  a  large  extent,  suc¬ 
cessful  endeavors  to  elevate  those  low  down  to  a  high¬ 
er  plane  of  life  and  thought.  Legislation  has  followed, 
limiting  the  length  of  a  day’s  work,  restricting  the 
employment  of  young  children,  regulating  the  labor 
of  women,  protecting  operatives  in  factories,  and  oth¬ 
erwise  benefiting  the  laboring  classes.  This  has  coun¬ 
teracted  the  effects  of  discontent  and  dangerous  agi¬ 
tation  so  far  as  to  prevent  the  violent  attempts  at 
revolution,  once  feared.  The  humane  and  enlightened 
views,  which  to-day  obtain  to  such  an  extent  in  Eng¬ 
land,  are  due,  far  more  than  is  generally  supposed,  to 
the  warm-hearted  zeal  of  those  noble  Englishmen  who 
were  called  Christian  socialists. 

In  Germany,  there  are  two  branches  of  the  Chris¬ 
tian  Socialists,  the  Protestants  and  the  Roman  Cath¬ 
olics. 

The  Protestant  Christian  Socialists  are  not  numer¬ 
ous,  nor  are  they  sufficiently  important  to  justify  much 
more  than  the  mention  of  their  existence.  Their  two 
leaders  are  Dr.  Todt,  a  pastor,  and  Dr.  Stocker,  court- 
chaplain,  who  is  known  on  account  of  his  leadership  in 
the  Anti-Semitic  agitation  in  Germany.  His  part  in 


CHRISTIAN  SOCIALISM. 


257 


this  latter  movement  shows  how  little  nobility  there 
is  in  his  nature.  I  attended  one  meeting  of  the  Chris¬ 
tian  Socialists  in  Berlin.  Instead  of  proposals  to  ame¬ 
liorate  the  condition  of  laborers,  I  heard  little  save 
abuse  of  the  Jews.  When  any  member  of  the  audi¬ 
ence  was  invited  to  reply,  a  bright-appearing  young 
man  of  twenty  or  thereabouts  came  forward  and  be¬ 
gan  to  talk  in  a  sensible  sort  of  way  concerning  the 
position  of  the  Hebrews,  but  his  arguments  were  soon 
drowned  by  the  hooting  of  the  rabble.  Court-pastor 
Stocker  bowed  him  off  the  stage  with  mock  ceremoni¬ 
ousness.  I  thought  the  young  man  showed  to  far  bet¬ 
ter  advantage  than  the  leader  of  those  whom  he  was 
addressing. 

The  ideas  of  the  Protestant  Christian  Socialists  are 
rather  vague  and  indefinite.  They  favor,  however, 
legislation  in  behalf  of  the  laboring  classes  similar  to 
that  which  is  now  in  force  in  England,  and  desire  a 
strong  monarch  to  take  the  lead  in  measures  designed 
to  elevate  the  toiling  masses.  They  wish  also  to  bring 
the  people  back  to  the  Church,  that  they  may  enjoy  the 
consolations  of  religion.  Dr.  Todt  appears  to  hope  for 
a  peaceful  introduction  of  communism,  or  some  form 
of  socialism  approaching  thereto,  in  a  far-distant  future. 

Catholic  Christian  Socialism  in  Germany  is  a  far 
more  important,  a  far  nobler,  movement.  Its  leading 
light  was  the  late  Bishop  of  Mainz  or  Mayence,  Baron 
von  Ivetteler. 

Wilhelm  Emanuel  Baron  von  Ketteler  was  born  in 
1811,  in  Munster.  lie  came  of  an  old  and  honorable 
family.  He  studied  law,  and  began  his  career  in  the 
German  courts,  before  he  decided  to  devote  himself 
to  the  Church.  He  was  ordained  as  priest  in  1844 
and  was  made  bishop  in  1850. 

17 


258 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


Von  Ketteler  was  keen,  eager,  eloquent — a  valiant 
champion  of  the  Church,  who  fought  for  her  emanci¬ 
pation  from  state  control,  and  obtained  important  con¬ 
cessions.  His  activity  was  remarkable,  and  displayed 
itself  prominently  in  the  foundation  of  numerous 
institutions,  as  monasteries,  unions,  schools,  orphan- 
asylums,  and  houses  of  refuge.  He  understood  how 
to  make  use  of  the  press  in  forwarding  his  designs, 
which  included  plans  intended  to  promote  the  welfare 
of  the  masses.  After  the  formation  of  the  German 
empire  Yon  Ketteler  took  a  leading  position  in  the 
party  of  the  Ultramontanes,  and  was  ever  ready  with 
tongue  and  pen  in  all  matters  concerning  the  relations 
of  state  to  Church  and  school. 

He  opposed  the  proclamation  of  the  doctrine  of 
papal  infallibility  as  inopportune,  but,  after  it  had 
been  proclaimed,  he  became  its  ardent  supporter. 

Yon  Ketteler’ s  eventful  life  ended  in  1875,  and  his 
body  now  rests  in  the  cathedral  at  Mainz. 

Yon  Ketteler  accepts  the  doctrine  of  the  iron,  cruel 
law  of  wages,  and  assents  to  many  of  the  teachings  of 
the  social  democrats,  in  so  far  as  they  are  directed 
against  our  present  social  organization.  He  seeks  sal¬ 
vation,  however,  in  the  Catholic  Church. 

He  holds  that  God  or  the  Church  is  the  supreme 
\ I  owner  of  all  property,  and  that  human  rights  are  only 
secondary.  Men  have  only  the  right  of  administering 
what  has  been  committed  to  them.  The  Church  has 
always  held,  says  he,  that  if  a  starving  man  took  a 
loaf  of  bread  to  satisfy  hunger  which  he  could  still  in 
no  other  way,  it  was  no  theft.  In  that  case  human 
proprietary  rights  yield  to  the  divine  right  of  self- 
preservation. 

The  good-will  of  the  Church  is  also  shown  in  the 


CHRISTIAN  SOCIALISM. 


259 


large  property  which  she  has  accumulated  to  alleviate 
the  sufferings  of  the  poor.  It  was  not  her  fault  that 
she  was  deprived  of  a  great  part  of  this  by  the  secu¬ 
larization  of  her  possessions,  which  took  place  after 
the  Reformation.  It  increased  the  distress  of  the  un¬ 
fortunate,  and  the  worldly  powers  were  obliged  to 
enact  poor-laws  to  relieve  those  wTho  had  thereby  been 
reduced  to  helplessness. 

The  misery  of  the  present  time  is  due  to  material¬ 
ism  and  liberal  politics.  The  state  and  the  Church 
should  exercise  greater  control  over  human  conduct  in 
such  matters,  e.  g .,  as  marriage. 

“We  will  not  deny,”  says  Yon  Ketteler,  “that  in 
various  regions  the  contraction  of  marriage  is  made 
too  difficult;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  a  certain  limita¬ 
tion  is  justifiable — is  founded  in  reason  as  well  as  in 
Christianity — and  the  abolition  of  all  limitations  can¬ 
not  fail  to  promote  thoughtlessness  in  the  contraction 
of  marriage,  and  thus  injure  the  family.  Of  such  a 
character  is  the  general  effort  and  tendency  to  regard 
marriage  as  a  simple  civil  institution,  to  introduce  the 
Civilehe  —  i.  e .,  marriage  by  civil  authorities  alone — 
and  to  separate  it  entirely  from  the  Church.  The 
stability  of  the  family  is  based  on  the  religious  and 
Christian  doctrine  of  marriage.  Especially  is  the 
view  of  the  Catholic  Church  that  marriage  is  a  sacra¬ 
ment,  and  can  be  dissolved  only  by  death,  the  immov¬ 
able  foundation  of  this  stability.”* 

Yon  Ketteler  regards  the  dissolution  of  the  organic 
bonds,  or  ties  of  society,  as  one  cause  of  our  present 
troubles.  He  is,  consequently,  in  favor  of  trade  corpo- 


*  “Die  Arbcitcvfrage  und  das  Christenthum”  (Mainz,  1864),  Seite 


112. 


260  FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 

rations,  and  has  a  friendly  feeling  for  the  guilds  of  the 
Middle  Ages.  He  combats  vehemently  the  atomism 
of  modern  liberalism.  There  is,  in  my  opinion,  a 
great  deal  of  truth  in  what  he  says  about  the  neces¬ 
sity  of  religion  to  cure  the  ills  of  modern  society. 
He  declares  that  “  Christ  is  the  Saviour  of  the  world, 
not  only  because  he  has  redeemed  our  souls,  but  also 
because  he  brought  salvation  for  all  human  institu¬ 
tions  and  relations  —  civil,  political,  and  social.  Es¬ 
pecially  is  he  the  Saviour  of  the  laboring  classes.  .  .  . 
He  has  elevated  the  labor-class  from  servitude  to  its 
present  condition;  *  without  him  all  humanitarian  ten¬ 
dencies  of  the  so-called  friends  of  the  laboring  man 
will  not  prevent  his  sinking  again  into  a  state  of 
slavery.” 

Yon  Ketteler  mentions  five  remedies  which  the 
Church  has  to  offer  the  laborer. 

1.  She  founds  and  manages  institutions  for  the 
benefit  of  the  laborer  unable  to  work.  These  are 
managed  by  those  who  have  a  tender  interest  in  his 
welfare.  Love  to  Christ  will  enable  the  Catholic 
nurses  to  perform  disagreeable  and  repulsive  ser¬ 
vices  in  a  mild  and  gentle  manner. 

2.  She  offers  him  the  institution  of  the  Christian 
family. 

3.  She  presents  to  him  the  truths  and  doctrines  of 
the  Church,  which  are  the  true  education  of  the  labor¬ 
er.  The  doctrine  of  the  liberals,  that  education  for 
the  laborers  is  to  be  found  in  self-help  and  in  their 
unions  for  instructing  working-men  is  only  a  simula¬ 
crum  and  deceit. 

4.  She  offers  him  the  social  power  of  the  Church. 


*  He  attributes  the  abolition  of  slavery  to  the  Church. 


CHRISTIAN  SOCIALISM. 


261 


This  unites  men,  and  may  he  used  to  assist  in  found¬ 
ing  unions  and  societies  of  laborers.  Such  unions  are 
Christian  in  nature.* 

5.  This  social  power  of  the  Church  might  be  used 
in  establishing  productive  co-operative  associations 
on  a  Christian  basis.  Nothing  could  be  more  pleasing 
to  God  and  beneficial  to  man  than  gifts  of  the  wealthy 
for  this  purpose. 

For  our  part,  we  rejoice  that  men  of  all  shades  of 
opinion  are  turning  to  Christianity  for  help  in  the  so¬ 
lution  of  social  problems,  and  trust  that  the  poor  and 
needy,  where  they  are  now  estranged  from  the  Church, 
may  ere  long  be  led  to  recognize  in  her  their  best 
friend.  All  Christian  men,  and  particularly  the  au¬ 
thorities  of  the  Church,  should  see  to  it  that  no  oppor¬ 
tunity  is  lost  to  win  to  her  the  toiling  masses.  We 
fully  agree  with  a  celebrated  Belgian  professor  f  of 
Political  Economy  when  he  writes:  “  The  proletarians 
have  been  detached  from  and  will  return  to  Christi¬ 
anity  when  they  begin  to  understand  that  it  brings  to  / 
them  freedom  and  equal  rights,  whereas  atheistic  ma¬ 
terialism  consecrates  their  slavery  and  sacrifices  them 
to  pretended  natural  laws.  By  a  complete  misappli¬ 
cation  of  its  ideas,  the  religion  of  Christ,  transformed 
into  a  temporal  and  sacerdotal  institution,  has  been 
called  in  as  the  ally  of  caste,  despotism,  and  the  an¬ 
cient  regime  to  sanction  all  social  inequalities.  The 
Gospel,  on  the  contrary,  is  the  good  news  to  the  poor 
— the  announcement  of  the  advent  of  that  kingdom 


*  The  Catholic  Church  in  Germany  has  been  instrumental  in  es¬ 
tablishing  a  large  number  of  Gcscllenvcreine ,  or  bachelors’  unions. 
They  resemble  in  many  respects  our  Young  Men’s  Christian  Asso¬ 
ciations.  t  De  Laveleye. 


262 


FRENCH  AND  GERMAN  SOCIALISM. 


when  the  humble  shall  be  lifted  up  and  the  disinher¬ 
ited  shall  possess  the  earth.”  * 


*  Quoted  by  Kaufmann  in  liis  article  on  Lamennais  and  Kingsley, 
in  the  Contemporary  Review ,  April,  1882. 


INDEX. 


Adams,  C.  K.,  criticism  on  Louis  Blanc’s  “  Histoire  de  la  Revolution 
Framjaise,”  111. 

Albert, colleague  of  Louis  Blanc,  111. 

Anarchists,  Proudhon  avows  himself  one  of  them,  135;  their  promi¬ 
nent  representatives  in  France,  146  ^equality  their  doctrine,  14*7; 

.^declaration  of  principles,  148  ^separation  from  the  International 
Workingmen’s  Association,  185. 

Antonelle,  member  of  the  Committee  of  Insurrection,  32. 

Aristotle,  defence  of  slavery,  176. 

Association,  to  be  established  by  leadership  ( Saint-Simon ),  64  ;  the 
central  idea  of  Fourierism,  91-99. 

Baboeuf,  opposed  to  the  laissez-faire  system,  12;  sketch  of  his  career, 
31 ;  connection  with  the  Reign  of  Terror,  32  ;  execution,  33  ;  equali¬ 
ty  the  leading  idea  of  his  system,  34 ;  equality  be  obtained  by  de¬ 
grees,  36  ;  his  scheme,  37 ;  a  cheerless  scheme,  38. 

Bakounine,  pessimist,  leader  of  the  Anarchists,  147  ;  leads  the  oppo¬ 
sition  to  the  old  Internationalists  at  the  Hague,  185. 

Barnett,  S.  A.,  socialistic  laws  on  the  statute-book  of  England,  note, 
236. 

Barrault,  a  Saint-Simonian,  72;  lectures  in  Alexandria,  78. 

Baudet-Dulary,  offers  an  estate  for  a  trial  of  Fourierism,  101. 

Bazard,  separates  from  Enfantin,  65,  75 ;  a  leader  of  the  Saint-Simo¬ 
nian  s,  71. 

Bebel,  a  supporter  of  Bismarck’s  Insurance  Bill,  220;  a  disciple  of 
Liebknecht,  230 ;  historical  importance,  231. 

Becker,  president  of  the  Laborers’  Union,  225,  226. 

Bismarck,  admiration  for  Lassalle,  196  ;  plans  for  universal  suffrage, 
212  ;  checks  to  social  democrats,  216  ;  his  determination,  217;  his 
Accident  Insurance  Bill,  218;  his  plan  to  conquer  social  democracy, 
219;  concessions,  219,  228;  his  schemes  in  behalf  of  labor  viewed 
with  distrust,  220 ;  a  member  of  an  economic  school,  235 ;  appre¬ 
ciation  of  Wagner,  243. 

Black  Hand  of  Spain,  members  of  the  International,  186. 

Blanc,  Charles,  affection  of  Louis  Blanc  for,  115. 


264 


INDEX. 


Blanc,  Louis,  an  authority  on  the  times  of  Louis  Philippe,  34,  note  ; 
first  state  socialist,  109 ;  life,  109  et  seqq. ;  “  Organisation  du 
Travail,”  110;  “Histoire  de  Dix  Ans,”  110;  perceived  the  widen¬ 
ing  separation  between  the  bourgeoisie  and  the  fourth  estate,  110; 
“Histoire  de  la  Revolution  Frai^aise,”  111 ;  droit  au  travail,  112 ; 

y ateliers  sociaux,  112,  119;  experiments,  112;  flight  from  France, 
114;  character,  115;  social  philosophy,  116;  evils  of  present  so¬ 
ciety  according  to,  117  ;  suppression  of  misery  by  fraternity,  118  ; 
his  formula  for  the  distribution  of  functions,  121;  of  products,  122; 
not  an  egalitaire ,  122;  correspondence  with  Lassalle,  192  and  note. 

Blanqui,  Adolphe,  a  Saint-Simonian,  72. 

Blanqui,  Auguste,  founder  of  Blanquism,  145. 

Blind,  Karl,  description  of  the  appearance  of  Louis  Blanc,  116;  no 
faith  in  Lassalle,  192,  note. 

Booth,  A.  J.,  criticism  on  Enfantin,  73 ;  statement  regarding  the  So¬ 
ciety  for  the  Propagation,  etc.,  of  the  Theory  of  Fourier,  102  and  note. 

Bourgeoisie ,  the  third  estate,  4  ;  rise  of,  7 ;  enmity  of  the  poor  against, 
10;  separation  from  the  fourth  estate,  110;  growth  of,  inimical  to 
feudalism,  177  ;  Lassalle’s  indictment  of,  195. 

Bretano,  a  professorial  socialist,  237. 

Bright,  his  schemes  called  narrow  by  Kingsley,  249. 

Brisbane,  Albert,  head  of  Fourierism  in  America,  107. 

Brissot  de  Warville  declares  private  property  theft,  but  afterwards 
defends  it,  3. 

Brook  Farm,  a  Fourieristic  experiment  in  America,  107. 

Bucher,  L.,  edits  Lassalle’s  “System  of  Acquired  Rights,”  197. 

Bueliez,  a  Saint-Simonian,  72. 

Buonarroti,  connection  with  Baboeuf,  member  of  the  committee  of 
insurrection,  32 ;  escapes  to  Switzerland,  33 ;  his  history  of  the 
conspiracy  of  Baboeuf,  33  and  note,  34;  preaches  Bavouism,  34. 

Cabet,  Etienne,  career  of,  39-42;  “Voyage  en  Icarie,”  40;  the  Ica- 
rians  at  Nauvoo,  41;  division  among  the  Icarians,  42;  letter  of 
Albert  Shaw  concerning,  present  condition  of  Icarians,  42-48;  the 
New  Icarian  Community,  44;  the  Icarian  Community,  46;  govern¬ 
ment  and  marriage  among  the  Icarians,  48  and  note,  51 ;  educa¬ 
tion,  49;  success,  49;  fraternity  the  principle  of  the  Icarians,  50. 

Carlvle,  necessity  of  sympathy,  15;  the  laborers  need  a  leader,  63; 
“  History  of  the  French  Revolution,”  144. 

Chevalier,  Michel,  a  Saint-Simonian,  72;  imprisoned,  77;  proposal 
about  the  armies  of  Europe,  79. 

Church,  relation  to  people  before  the  French  Revolution,  6  ;  the  Cath¬ 
olic  before  the  Reformation,  62 ;  restraint  of,  63 ;  duty  of,  66 ; 
Proudhon’s  work  on  justice  in,  132;  views  of  Malon,  154,  155  ;  an 
organizing  power,  245;  remedies  offered  to  laborers  bv,  260. 

Civil  service,  in  Prussia,  207;  need  of  reform  in  the  United  States; 
possible  future  dangers  arising  from  its  prostitution,  223. 


INDEX. 


265 


Cobden,  Kingsley’s  dislike  of  the  plans  of,  249. 

Colins,  an  advocate  of  the  nationalization  of  land,  150. 

Collectivists,  French  socialists,  and  social  democrats,  149  ;  are  inter¬ 
national,  150;  evolutionists,  150;  revolutionists,  151;  Guesde’s 
electoral  programme,  152. 

Commune,  its  nature  explained,  20;  aims  of  the  communists,  21; 
the  communal  government,  22. 

Communism,  object,  1 ;  cosmopolitan,  3  ;  proper  method  of  treat¬ 
ment,  14;  modern  hatred  of,  16 •''modern  fallacies  about,  19;  not  J 
chargeable  with  the  doings  of  the  Commune,  20 ;  connection  with 
atheism  and  free-love,  22 ;  opinions  of  Noyes  and  Rylance,  23  and 
note ,  24 ;  not  necessarily  anti-Christian,  25  ;  included  in  socialism, 

30;  schemes  of,  30;  Bavouism,  34;  Iearians,  40;  to  be  preferred 
to  the  present  state  of  society  (Mill),  68  ;  objected  to  by  Proudhon, 
133,  13V ;  in  France,  144;  movement  of  the  social  democrats  tow¬ 
ards,  206. 

Comte,  A.,  a  pupil  of  Saint-Simon,  5V  and  note. 

Considerant,  Victor,  presentation  of  Fourierism,  101,  103. 
if  02  -operation,  scheme  of  Lassalle,  189;  to  replace  competition,  250; 
societies  to  promote,  251 ;  efforts  of  Hughes,  251 ;  letter  of  E.  V. 
Neale,  252,  255;  Church  can  aid,  261. 
f  Crises,  one  of  the  evils  Rodbertus  sought  to  abolish,  161;  state  in-  ^ 
terference  needed,  166  /  Marx’s  doctrine  of,  181;  social  democrats 
to  abolish,  208. 

Crosby,  Dr.  Howard,  attitude  of,  towards  laboring  class,  28  and 
note. 

Curtis,  George  William,  107. 

Cuvier,  a  benefactor  of  Saint-Simon,  59. 

Dana,  Charles  A.,  prominent  among  the  Fourierists  of  America,  107. 

Darthe,  member  of  the  committee  of  insurrection  with  Babceuf, 

32. 

David,  teacher  of  music  at  Menilmontant,  77  ;  afterwards  at  Alexan¬ 
dria,  78. 

Debon,  member  of  committee  of  insurrection,  32. 

Democratic  constitutions,  pretence  of  lower  classes  in  consequence  of, 
a  condition  productive  of  socialism,  224. 

Depaepe,  presentation  of  international  collectivism,  150. 

Diard  supports  Saint-Simon,  59. 

Dickens  treats  of  the  laboring  class,  11,  note. 

Didier,  agent  of  the  committee  of  insurrection,  32. 

Distribution  of  products,  complaints  about,  1 ;  Babceuf  favored  equal, 

36;  Saint-Simonians  advocate,  according  to  works,  64,  68,  71,  74, 
and  reject  equal,  70;  Fourier’s  doctrine  of,  98,  99;  at  Guise,  106; 
Louis  Blanc’s  doctrine  concerning,  122;  Proudhon’s,  140;  Rod- 
bertus’s,  162;  Marx’s,  180;  social  democrats,  205;  Mill’s  plea  for 
justice  in,  238. 


266 


INDEX. 


v  Division  pf  labor,  effects  of,  8  ;  implies  capital,  201 ;  extreme,  a  con¬ 
dition  productive  of  socialistic  movements,  222. 

Dumas,  Alexander,  derives  the  idea  of  “Les  Fr&res  Corses ’’from 
Charles  and  Louis  Blanc,  115. 

Dumay,  candidate  of  the  collectivists  to  succeed  Gambetta,  151. 

Economic  programme  of  Guesde,  153. 

Enfantin,  leader  of  Sair.t-Simonism,  71;  character,  73;  views  re¬ 
garding  marriage,  75;  retires  to  Menilmontant,  76;  expedition  to 
Egypt,  77 ;  Suez  Canal  due  to  him,  77  ;  director  of  Lyons  Railway, 

79. 

Engels,  “  Condition  of  the  Laboring  Classes  in  England,”  158  ;  one  of 
the  founders  of  Neue  liheinische  Zeitung ,  171. 

<f  Equality,  promised  by  agitators,  2 ;  Christian  idea  of  underlying  com-  ^ 
munism,  25  ;  idea  of  Bavouism,  34 ;  among  Icarians,  50 ;  Saint-Si- 
monians  oppose,  64,  68,  70;  opposed  by  Louis  Blanc,  122;  “com-  v 
munity  is  inequality  ”  (Proudhon),  133  ;  how  obtained  by  Proudhon, 

138 ;  of  anarchists,  147,  149  ;  egalite  and  solidarity  the  watchwords  J 
of  German  social  democrats,  231. 

Eudes,  leader  of  the  Blanquists,  145. 

Feudalism,  Thorold  Rogers  points  out  certain  good  features  in,  5  ; 
swept  away  by  French  Revolution,  6 ;  makes  wav  for  third  estate, 
177. 

Fourier,  opposed  to  laissez-faire  system,  12;  compared  with  Saint- 
Simon,  81 ;  life,  82  et  seqq.  ;  generous  and  truthful,  83  ;  influences'^ 
leading  him  to  a  study  of  political  economy,  83,  84 ;  his  social 
scheme,  84,  91;  “La  Theorie  des  Quatre  Mouvements,”  84,  86; 
Association  at  Versailles,  85 ;  “Traite  de  1’ Association,”  etc.,  87  ; 
use  of  figures,  87 ;  duration  of  the  world,  88 ;  religious  belief,  89 ;  >/ 
“Nouveau  Monde  Industriel,”  etc.,  91;  classification  of  the  pas¬ 
sions,  92 ;  evils  of  modern  civilization,  93 ;  phalanxes,  93 ;  bene¬ 
ficial  effects  of  rivalry,  94 ;  scheme  for  paying  the  English  debt 
with  hens’  eggs,  95,  96 ;  evils  of  competition,  97 ;  Fourierism  not 
so  pure  a  socialism  as  Saint-Simonism,  98 ;  division  of  products, 

98 ;  uniteisme ,  99 ;  ideas  about  women,  100 ;  opposes  violence,  100 ; 
criticism  of  Kaufmann,  100 ;  adherents,  101 ;  Fourieristic  experi¬ 
ments,  102;  experiment  of  Jean  Godin,  103  ;  Fourierism  in  Amer¬ 
ica,  106;  criticism  on,  108;  principle  of  authority,  124. 

Fournel,  a  Saint-Simonian,  72. 

Free-trade  school,  comparison  of,  with  German  socialism,  158  ;  cos¬ 
mopolitan  tendency  of,  187. 

Freiligrath,  one  of  the  founders  of  the  Neue  liheinische  Zeitung ,  171 ; 
farewell  ode,  172. 

French  Revolution,  chap.  i. ;  writers  immediately  preceding,  3 ;  the 
war  of  La  Vendee,  5 ;  sweeps  away  feudal  institutions,  6 ;  history 
of,  by  Louis  Blanc,  111. 


INDEX. 


2G7 


Fuller,  Margaret,  a  leading  spirit  in  the  Brook  Farm  experiment,  107. 

Gammond,  Madame  de,  exposition  of  Fourierism,  101. 

Gneist,  Dr.,  is  elected  to  the  Assembly,  213. 

Godin’s  Famitistere ,  103;  extract  from  laws,  105. 

Government.  Baboeuf’s  idea  of,  37;  among  the  Icarians,  48;  Saint- 
Simon’s  idea  of,  64;  Fourier’s,  99 ;  Louis  Blanc’s  opinion  of,  117, 

124;  Proudhon’s  contempt  for,  130;  anarchy  is  Proudhon’s  ideal 
of,  134,  141 ;  opinion  of  the  anarchists  about,  148;  Lassalle’s  idea,  V 
193  ;  demands  of  the  social  democrats,  205,  208 ;  Wagner’s  law  of  • 
expenses  of,  242. 

Greeley,  Horace,  prominent  among  the  Fourierists  of  America,  107. 

Guesde,  Jules,  a  revolutionary  collectivist,  151;  his  electoral  pro¬ 
gramme,  152. 

Guilds  before  the  French  Revolution,  4. 

Guise,  M.  Godin’s  experiment  at,  103. 

Harrison,  F.,  view  of  existing  French  socialism,  143. 

Hasselmann  expelled  from  Social  Democratic  Party,  216. 

Hatzfeldt,  Countess  Von,  interest  of  Lassalle  in  the  case  of,  190,  197 ; 
controls  the  Universal  German  Laborers’  Union,  225. 

Held,  Adolf,  a  professorial  socialist,  237. 

History,  theory  of,  by  Marx,  175. 

Hughes,  Thomas,  a  Christian  socialist,  249;  co-operation  to  solve  the 
labor  question,  251;  letter  of,  about  Christian  socialism  in  Eng¬ 
land,  252. 

Hugues,  Clovis,  a  collectivist  deputy,  154. 

Humboldt,  Von,  admiration  for  Lassalle,  189. 

Icarians,  vide  Cabct. 

Individualism,  result  of  French  Revolution,  7 ;  advice  to  the  govern¬ 
ment,  29;  opinion  of  Louis  Blanc  about,  117;  individualistic 
socialism,  125;  attacked  by  Proudhon,  127. 

Inheritance,  rejected  by  Saint -Simonians,  69,  70,  80;  retained  by 
Fourier,  98;  allowed  by  Proudhon,  134;  abolished  by  collectivists, 

151 ;  doctrine  of  social  democrats  regarding,  207. 

International  Workingmen’s  Association,  members  of  the  communal 
government,  21 ;  law  against,  114  ;  separation  of  Bakounine  from, 

146 ;  Guesde’s  political  programme  demands  the  abolition  of  the 
law  against,  151 ;  based  on  social  democratic  principles,  183  ;  stat¬ 
utes,  183;  congresses,  184;  at  the  Hague,  185;  importance,  186; 
possibilities  of,  187. 

Joffrin,  a  revolutionary  collectivist,  152;  refuses  to  attend  Louis 
Blanc’s  funeral,  154. 

Kaufmann,  Sehiiffle’s  socialism,  2;  on  Lamennais,  12 ;  definition  of 
socialism  proper,  66;  merits  of  Fourierism,  100,  101. 


268 


INDEX. 


Kayser,  a  defender  of  Bismarck’s  Insurance  Bill,  220, 

Ketteler,  Baron  von,  life,  257,  258;  character,  258;  doctrines,  258; 
on  marriage,  259;  remedies  the  Church  offers  to  laborers,  260. 

King,  Edward,  describes  the  affection  of  Louis  Blanc  for  his  brother 
Charles,  115. 

Kingsley,  Charles,  a  Christian  socialist,  249 ;  opinion  of  economic 
liberalism,  249,  250 ;  competition  sinful,  250. 

Knies’s  opinion  of  Marx,  174. 

Krapotkine,  Prince,  imprisoned  on  account  of  membership  in  the  In¬ 
ternational  Workingmen’s  Association,  114,  186;  a  prominent  an¬ 
archist,  146. 

Kretzer,  Max,  novelist  of  the  fourth  estate,  11,  note. 

Laboring  class,  rise  of,  7;  their  novelist,  11,  note;  decay  of  religion 
among,  24,  note  ;  no  permanent,  in  America  as  yet,  25 ;  prophecies 
of,  26 ;  Most’s  method  for  the  emancipation  of,  27  ;  needs  a  leader, 

63;  scheme  of  Fourier  for,  93;  plans  of  Louis  Blanc  for,  112; 
sympathy  of  Proudhon  with,  128 ;  his  plan  for,  136 ;  opinion  of  De 
Laveleye,  154;  their  share  of  products  (Rodbertus),  164;  increas-  \/ 
ing  misery  of,  177 ;  statutes  of  the  International  Workingmen’s  v 
Association  concerning,  183, 184;  agitation  of  Lassalle  for,  190, 194 ; 
duration  of  life  among,  201  ;  political  influence  of,  in  Germany  to¬ 
day,  211 ;  plans  of  Bismarck  for,  219,  220;  lesson  taught  them  by 
the  social  democrats,  233  ;  alliance  Avith  the  church,  245  ;  sympathy 
of  Christian  socialists  for,  249  ;  legislation:  in  behalf  of,  favored  by 
Christian  socialists,  257 ;  benefits  offered  by  the  Church,  260. 

Laissez-faire  system,  revolt  against,  12;  the  advice  of  the  individual¬ 
ist,  29;  condemned  by  Louis  Blanc,  117;  effect  of,  163;  opinion 
of  Rodbertus,  168. 

Lamennais,  De,  distress  at  results  of  the  French  Revolution,  12; 
sketch  of  his  life,  245 ;  does  not  satisfy  the  church  authorities, 
246;  “Les  Paroles  d’un  Croyant,”  246;  modern  employers  worse 
than  early  slave-owners,  247. 

Lange,  F.  A.,  warnings  of,  to  the  progressists,  18  ;  his  opinion  of 
Marx,  174. 

Lassalle,  war-cries  against  capital,  2 ;  party  of  progress  opposed  to, 

""17;  his  success  attributed  by  Mehring  to  his  enemies,  19  ;  account 
of  the  ateliers  sociaux,  113 ;  life,  189  et  seqq. ;  interest  in  Countess 
Yon  Hatzfeldt,  190;  agitation  in  favor  of  the  laboring  class,  190; 

V  success  of  his  writings,  191 Y the  “Iron  Law  of  Wages,”  191,  197  ; 
productive  co-operative  associations,  192;  leader  of  the  Universal 
German  Laborers’ Union,  194;  Bismarck’s  appreciation  of,  196;/ 
father  of  social  democracy,  210;  nominates  Becker  as  his  succes¬ 
sor  in  the  presidency  of  the  laborers’  union,  225. 

Laurent,  a  Saint-Simonian,  72. 

Laveleye,  De,  “  La  Democratie  et  l’l£conomie  Politique,”  8,  note ; 
“European  Terror,”  150;  regards  Christianity  as  the  hope  of  the 
laboring  class,  261. 


INDEX. 


269 


Le  Chevalier,  Jules,  a  Fourierist,  102. 

Ledru-Rollin,  a  colleague  of  Louis  Blanc,  111. 

Lepelletier,  member  of  the  Committee  of  Insurrection,  32. 

Leroux,  exponent  of  humanitarianism,  72. 

Lesseps,  De,  inspired  by  Saint-Simonism,  55,  72 ;  Enfantin  associated 
with,  in  agitation  for  the  Suez  Canal,  77. 

Liebknecht  moves  the  expulsion  of  Becker  from  the  Universal  Ger¬ 
man  Laborers’  Union,  226 ;  character,  228 ;  decides  not  to  enter 
civil  service,  229  ;  takes  part  in  the  revolution  of  1848,  229;  inter¬ 
preter  of  Marx,  230;  an  extremist,  230. 

Louis  Philippe  criticised  by  Louis  Blanc,  110. 

Ludlow,  J.  M.,  describes  causes  of  decay  of  religion  among  the  work¬ 
ingmen,  24,  note;  assists  in  forming  co-operative  societies  in  Eng¬ 
land,  251. 

Luther  accused  of  heresy  by  Saint-Simon,  64. 

Mably  compared  with  Babocuf,  31. 

Macaulay  mentions  growth  of  state  business  in  England,  242,  note. 

Malon,  B.,  a  collectivist,  150;  description  of  present  tendencies  of 
French  socialism,  154. 

Manchester  school,  sympathy  of  the  party  of  progress  with,  17 ;  at¬ 
tacked  by  professorial  socialists,  240;  indignation  of  Christian 
socialists  at,  249. 

Marechal,  member  of  the  Committee  of  Insurrection,  32;  prepared 
the  “  Manifesto  of  the  Equals,”  33. 

Marie,  M.,  wishes  to  discredit  Louis  Blanc  with  the  laborers,  112. 

Mario,  “System  of  World  Economy,”  158. 

Marriage,  absence  of,  among  the  Shakers,  23,  note  ;  among  the  Icari- 
ans,  48  and  note,  51;  among  the  Saint-Simonians,  71 ;  Enfantin’s 
views  regarding,  75;  Fourier’s,  100;  Von  Ketteler’s,  259. 

MarXj  Karl,  indictment  against  liberalism,  13;  indebtedness  to  Proud¬ 
hon  and  Rodbertus,  129,  note  ;  his  views  adopted  by  the  collectiv¬ 
ists,  140 ;  life,  170  et  seqq.  ;  “  Das  Kapital,”  the  Bible  of  the  social 
democrats,  172,  173;  his  ability,  174;  meetings  after  his  death, 
174,  175;  theory  of  history,  175;  doctrine  of  value,  178;  labor¬ 
time  the  measure  of  value,  179;  head  of  the  International,  185; 
enmity  of  Becker  for,  226. 

Maurice,  Frederick,  a  Christian  socialist,  249 ;  takes  part  in  the 
formation  of  co-operative  societies  in  England,  251. 

Mehring,  on  the  misery  of  the  poor,  10;  “  History  of  Social  Democ¬ 
racy  in  Germany,”  17 ;  on  the  relations  between  Progressists  and 
the  social  democrats,  18;  his  opinion  of  Liebknecht,  228. 

Meyer,  R.,  on  socialism  in  France  since  Proudhon,  143 ;  estimate  of 
German  socialists,  157. 

Mill,  John  Stuart,  objects  to  present  method  of  distributing  economic 
goods,  67 ;  exposition  of  Ricardo’s  law  of  wages,  199;  a  profes¬ 
sorial  socialist,  238. 


270 


INDEX. 


Morality,  state  of,  after  French  Revolution,  10;  to  be  derived  from 
principle  of  fraternity,  according  to  Saint-Simon,  65 ;  decay  of 
among  laboring  class  as  productive  of  socialistic  movements,  224. 

More,  Sir  Thomas,  his  “Utopia”  socialistic,  3;  character  of,  20;  in¬ 
spired  Cabet,  40. 

Morelly,  “Code  de  la  Nature”  the  inspiration  of  Babceuf,  34. 

Morley  on  Rousseau’s  social  ideas,  4 ;  on  Comte’s  relation  to  Saint- 
Simon,  57,  note. 

Most,  lecture  in  Baltimore,  27,  232 ;  expelled  from  the  social  demo¬ 
cratic  convention,  216. 

Muiron,  adherent  of  Fourier,  101. 

Muller,  Adam,  head  of  the  romantic  party,  against  liberalism,  12,  13, 

Mutualism,  Proudhon’s  scheme,  136. 

Neale,  E.  V.,  letter  about  the  Christian  social  efforts  of  Maurice, 
Kingsley,  Hughes,  etc.,  and  co-operation  in  England,  252-258. 

Nordhoff  criticises  Cabet,  41. 

Noyes  thinks  “  familism  ”  and  communism  antagonistic,  23,  note  ;  on 
Fourieristic  experiments  in  America,  107. 

Nuremberg  contains  magnificent  remains  of  mediaeval  civilization,  6. 

Owen,  Robert,  character  of,  20 ;  representative  of  English  commu¬ 
nism,  31,  note  ;  does  not  encourage  Fourier,  85. 

Parisian  mob  of  1871,  20. 

Pauperism  one  of  the  evils  Rodbertus  sought  to  abolish,  161 ;  aboli¬ 
tion  of  requires  state  interference,  acccording  to  Rodbertus,  166. 

Pellarin,  Charles,  biographer  of  Fourier,  102,  and  note. 

Peron,  one  of  the  Icarians,  46,  48. 

Peters,  If,,  values  the  average  work  of  a  laborer  in  the  building 
trade,  167. 

Plato,  his  “Republic”  socialistic,  3;  not  a  demagogue,  20 ;  idea  of 
slavery,  176. 

Political  programme  of  Guesde,  153. 

Progressists,  their  contest  with  Lassalle ;  defection  of  laborers  from, 
18. 

Proletarians,  men  without  property,  4 ;  Saint-Simonism  first  expression 
of,  80;  mentioned  in  Guesde’s  electoral  programme,  152;  MalonTs 
opinion  about,  154  ;  call  of  Marx  to  the,  171 ;  growing  importance 
of,  177 ;  will  return  to  Christianity  when  they  understand  its  true 
mission  (De  Laveleye),  261. 

Proudhon,  life,  125-130;  study  of  theology,  125;  his  work  on  the 
observation  of  Sunday,  126;  studies  political  economy,  127;  im¬ 
portance  of  “Qu’est-ce  que  la  Propriete  ?”  127-129 ;  hatred  of  rich, 
128;  discouraged  visionary  projects,  129;  “Systkme  des  Contra¬ 
dictions  Flconomiques,”  etc.,  130;  a  destroyer,  130;  combats  other 
systems,  129,  131 ;  failure  of  his  bank  designed  for  the  benefit  of 


INDEX. 


271 


the  laborers,  131, 136;  ideas  on  property,  132;  anarchy  his  ideal 
of  government,  134;  mutualism,  136;  rejects  communism,  137; 
how  equality  is  to  be  obtained,  138;  anarchic  equality,  139;  re¬ 
sume  of  his  system,  140;  his  honesty  of  purpose,  141. 

Ilevbaud  introduces  the  word  socialist,  29,  note ;  “Etudes  sur  les 
Reformateurs,  34,  note ;  description  of  the  death  of  Saint-Simon, 
6i.  _ 

Ricardo,  estimation  of,  by  German  socialists,  157  ;  law  of  wages,  191, 
197,  199. 

Rich,  confrontation  of,  by  poor  productive  of  socialistic  movements, 

221. 

Ripley,  George,  one  of  the  leading  spirits  in  the  Brook  Farm  experi¬ 
ment,  107. 

Rochdale,  co-operative  experiment  at,  253. 

Rodbertus,  Karl,  life,  159;  representative  of  pure  theoretical  social¬ 
ism,  159  ;  compared  with  Ricardo,  160 ;  his  writings,  160;  describes 
pauperism  and  crises  as  the  great  social  evils,  161 ;  his  starting-point 
is  his  conception  of  labor,  161  ;  the  cause  of  pauperism  and  crises, 
162;  evils  of  the  laissez-faire  system,  163;  division  of  products, 
164;  pauperism  and  panics  to  be  banished  by  state  interference, 
166;  his  influence,  169;  correspondence  with  Lassalle,  192. 

Rodrigues  chosen  by  Saint-Simon  as  his  successor,  71. 

Rogers,  Thorold,  points  out  certain  good  features  in  feudalism,  5. 

Roscher,  criticism  on  German  socialism,  158;  offenses  punishable 
with  death  in  the  army,  209 ;  conditions  productive  of  socialistic 
movements,  221 ;  elevates  man  to  the  central  position  in  economic 
science,  244. 

Rossi,  Pellegrino,  instructor  of  Proudhon,  127. 

Rothschild,  his  refutation  of  communism,  35. 

Rousseau,  opinions  about  property,  3. 

Ruskin,  complains  of  a  lack  of  patriotism  in  money  matters,  239. 

Rylance,  Dr.  J.  II.,  “  Lectures  on  Social  Questions,”  17;  relation  be¬ 
tween  socialism  and  Christianity,  24. 

Sacred  College  of  Apostles  founded  by  Saint-Simonians,  74. 

Saint-Simon,  opposed  to  the  laissez-faire  system,  12  ;  life,  53  et  seqq.  ; 
in  America,  54;  life  purpose,  55 ;  Mexico,  Panama  Canal  scheme, 
55;  president  of  the  commune,  56;  imprisonment,  56;  teacher  of 
Comte,  57 ;  destitution,  58 ;  writings,  59 ;  obtains  a  pension,  60 ; 
“  Nouveau  Christianisme,”  60 ;  doctrines,  62 ;  teaches  the  need  of 
authority,  63 ;  association,  64  ;  revolution  injurious,  64 ;  economic 
and  social  organizations,  66 ;  a  representative  of  pure  socialism, 
66 ;  state  property  versxis  private  property,  68 ;  society  to  be  or¬ 
ganized  as  an  army,  68  ;  his  followers,  the  Saint-Simonians,  accused 
of  advocating  communism  of  wives  and  property,  69 ;  they  reject 
inheritance,  69;  their  views  regarding  women,  71 ;  their  costume, 


272 


INDEX. 


75  ;  schism  among  them,  75;  Menilmontant,  76;  beneficial  results 
of  Saint-Simonism,  79 ;  Saint-Simon  compared  with  Fourier,  81 ; 
contempt  of  Saint-Simonians  for  Fourier,  85;  Saint-Simon’s  rank 
among  French  socialists,  108. 

Savigny,  opinion  concerning  “  Das  System  der  erworbenen  Rechte  ” 
of  Lassalle,  190. 

Schaffle,  his  “Socialism  as  Presented  by  Kaufmann,”  describes  war- 
cries  against  ‘capital  as  modern,  2 ;  considers  communists  as  not 
necessarily  anti-Christian,  25  ;  criticism  on  Fourier,  100 ;  his  “  Quin¬ 
tessence  of  Socialism,”  150;  took  him  years  to  understand  German 
socialism,  156. 

Schmoller,  a  professorial  socialist,  237;  definition  of  state,  241 ;  his 
open  letter  to  Professor  von  Treitschke,  243. 

Schweitzer,  Von,  president  of  the  Universal  German  Laborers’  Union, 
226  ;  his  life,  226,  227 ;  withdrawal  from  the  social  democrats,  227. 

Shakers  referred  to  by  Noyes  in  the  question  of  “familism”  versus 
socialism,  23,  note. 

Shaw,  Albert,  his  letter  on  present  condition  of  the  Icarians,  42-48. 

Sismondi,  purpose  of  the  poor  and  rich  in  labor,  9. 

Slaney  introduces  in  Parliament  a  bill  which  becomes  the  law  of  in¬ 
dustrial  societies  in  England,  254. 

Smalley,  G.  W.,  eulogy  on  Louis  Blanc’s  character,  116. 

Smith,  Adam,  regards  economic  goods  only  as  products  of  labor,  161 ; 
the  wages  of  labor,  202. 

Social  democrats,  views  of,  concerning  the  crimes  of  the  rich,  11; 
Mehring’s  history  of,  in  Germany,  17 ;  irreligious  attitude  of,  23 ; 
one  of  tin}  divisions  of  communism  and  socialism,  30,  169;  the 
collectivists  are  social  democrats,  149 ;  are  international,  150; 
admit  the  necessity  of  land  and  capital,  168 ;  Marx  their  lead¬ 
ing  theoretician,  170;  “Das  Kapital”  the  Bible  of,  173;  Lassalle 
their  leading  agitator,  189;  rise  of,  194,  203;  doctrines,  197;  ex¬ 
tremists,  204 ;  characteristics,  204 ;  demands,  205 ;  some  bene¬ 
ficial  doctrines,  205  ;  movement  towards  communism,  206  ;  their 
programme  involves  army  discipline,  209  ;  since  the  death  of  Las¬ 
salle,  211;  universal  suffrage,  211;  number  of  their  votes  for 
the  members  of  the  Reichstag,  213;  blamed  for  attempts  on  the 
life  of  the  emperor,  214;  congress  at  Wvden,  1880,  215;  at  Co¬ 
penhagen,  1883,  216;  grounds  of  their  discontent,  216;  internal 
history  of  the  party  after  Lassalle’s  death,  225 ;  the  Laborers’ 
Union,  225 ;  Social  Democratic  Labor  Party,  227  ;  change  in  since 
Lassalle,  231 ;  violence  thought  necessary,  232 ;  connection  with  at¬ 
tempts  on  the  life  of  the  emperor,  233  ;  compared  with  early  Chris¬ 
tians,  233. 

object,  1 ;  peculiarities  of  modern  schemes,  2 ;  cosmopoli- 
older  schemes,  4  ;  before  the  French  Revolution,  4  ;  taught 
the  necessity  of  new  forms  of  society  after  the  French  Revolution, 
13;  proper  method  of  treatment,  14;  hatred  of  most  authors  for, 


INDEX. 


273 


16;  opposed  to  individualism,  29  ;  distinguished  from  communism, 
30;  modern  schemes  of,  30;  Saint- Simonism  vide  Saint-Simon, 
Fourierism  vide  Fourier,  connection  with  politics,  109 ;  principle 
of  authority,  124  ;  Proudhon,  124  ;  in  France  since  Proudhon,  143  ; 
cause  of  French,  143;  existing  French,  144;  Blanquists,  145;  an¬ 
archists,  146;  nihilism,  146;  anarchists  believe  in  collectivism, 
149;  collectivists,  150;  classical  epoch-making  is  to-day  German, 
156;  vitality  of  German,  156;  German,  like  French,  is  negative, 
157 ;  adherents  of  German  school  of,  158;  Rodbertus,  159;  clas¬ 
sification  of  German,  169  ;  Marx,  170 ;  International  Workingmen’s 
Association,  183;  Lassalle,  189;  conditions  productive  of,  221; 
Bismarck’s  measures,  235  ;  professorial,  236;  belief  of  professorial, 
236,  241;  mosaic  legislation,  237;  formation  of  party  of  profes¬ 
sorial  socialists,  237 ;  Mill’s  statement  of  doctrines  of  professorial, 
238;  convention  at  Eisenach  in  1872,  240;  questions  discussed, 
240;  exaltation  of  the  state  by  professorial,  241;  Wagner’s  law 
of  expenditures  of  government,  242 ;  accomplishment  of  Wagner’s 
ideal,  243;  professorial  repudiates  self-interest,  243;  De  Lamen- 
nais  and  Christian,  245;  Christian,  in  England,  249;  co-operative 
societies,  251;  letter  of  Mr.  Neale,  252-255;  two  divisions  of 
Christian,  256  ;  Protestant  Christian,  256  ;  Catholic  Christian, 
257. 

Stein,  Von,  describes  Saint-Simon’s  historical  importance,  79,  80; 
comparison  between  Fourier  and  Saint-Simon,  81 ;  comparison  be¬ 
tween  the  classification  of  the  passions  by  Fourier  and  that  by 
Pythagoras  and  Bossuet,  92,  note. 

Stocker,  a  leader  of  Protestant  Christian  Socialism  in  Germany,  256. 

Strikes,  to  be  reported  to  the  congresses  of  the  International  Work¬ 
ingmen’s  Association,  184;  to  be  abolished  by  the  Social  Demo¬ 
crats,  209. 

Sumner,  Charles,  opinion  of  Louis  Blanc’s  “  Ilistoire  de  la  Revolution 
Fran^aise,”  111. 

Sybel,  Von,  History  of  the  French  Revolution,  6,  note ,  S3,  note. 

Taine,  “  Ancient  Regime,”  6,  note. 

Thomas,  Emile,  manager  of  the  ateliers  nationaux ,  112. 

Todt,  I)r.,  a  leader  of  Protestant  Christian  Socialism,  256. 

Treitschke,  Von,  attacks  the  professorial  socialists,  243. 

Union  for  social  politics,  formation  of,  240. 

Universal  German  Laborers’  Union,  formation  of,  194;  demanded 
universal  and  equal  suffrage,  212;  since  Lassalle,  225;  its  presi¬ 
dents,  226;  presidency  of  Von  Schweitzer,  227. 

Value,  Marx’s  doctrine  of,  presented  by  Proudhon,  129;  is  found  in 
“Das  Kapital,”  178. 

Vigoureux,  Madame  Clarisse,  a  Fourierist,  102. 


274 


INDEX. 


Wages,  Iron  Law  of,  significance  of,  191 ;  Lassalle’s  statement  of,  197 ; 

Mill’s  statement  of,  199;  accepted  by  Yon  Ketteler,  258. 

Wagner,  opinion  of  Rodbertus,  159;  a  professorial  socialist,  1G9; 
leader  of  the  professorial  socialists,  237 ;  his  law  of  expenditures 
of  government,  242. 

Walker,  F.  A.,  proper  method  of  dealing  with  social  questions,  16. 
Weitling,  alleged  dependence  of  Lassalle  upon,  19. 

Wolff,  one  of  the  founders  of  Neue  Rheinische  Zeitung ,  171. 
Workshops,  Louis  Blanc’s  system  of,  112,  113, 119-122,  192. 


THE  END. 


I 


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v 

si 


UNIVERSITY  PRODUCTS,  INC.  #859-5503 


t 


y 


BOSTON  COLLEGE 


3  9031  02 


73033  8 


c 


